n *. a. Jiraom. . m$ • Message of President Hafts Veto- the Army Appro* priation Bill. Of the filfoOttisgfe -so 1,'|̂ :ttw.«net0]»err|'l«n> . itflftfltyear ear to catdi 'ilw'Ottmtaft Of II* IwrfOTMl m<Mnfe« Mia, . Mftflw MkM *t the r*n*M •••;' down the foMBt <Mt». ^«nthyK»Wto.lMVP7|Mt; ' .t M •q^tafr^tWfci® |ittii iflw; V s - jitortiy'illftirt, Mwifr nmg1 sad ,. !•* - Up DM pMa yon bear m* through. " ' ^ ̂OOTT HMBI to iMW " Asthsfimooedmo«atalasU**~ «?V »f \ • • Aaabsr stxsaks, wife itlte tu--s, r; ••• ' the ferwt, IMI ,. ̂ 5» •> y *«•»*» to . ' ;fa*«hf «nn. In fancy platfat, BmoI the globe* ot aparfellac osw.f * Ipiiritjfour speed, my metlledpeujr; • % . f lu* jnwr i ron bouad hoots be «KB, «Uta ke echoes die off kmtty, | '» Circling round from hill to hill. v JI fcilufc w* tattls aaornisg plu--ai«, • v to Hw mnj) moanUlm birds, ;%>' . %Srb,HI <h«y nj«»t In chorus meteors. • 1 Oyp! those ears speak' mora thaa ' 1 S *^lvinn, my boy, be calm, be ateilyf :. .... -tv ®» notpnU so hkrd tl.<s rein. A ;. .;W*n» * woamt and be ready,'>V- / ' v' Wo may hear that son* again. i Tfewm aslant the blooming HMMitows, " V % Where Use heath to besaty tatis; , rJHhMH the mistymoraiag shadows - V' " ' / Bathe the «h«ka of roguish girls. tlwra, bedecked with labor* da#* ̂ Mtowy with 1 heir happy lot, sweet and with such bSSOtjr, :' Who will guasn my morning plott < '<•.. :\§tjapM, wild and rogjiieh rover, : iv/ With a steed more sleek and Isst, ' ^Afjiwweed the meads and new-blown v . his journey was oomplete. Knows, Ohio. SLOW, BUT 8VBB. BY K. B. W. 9.*® ami 'y jfi,: » •«_' •f 1 -4tf' "How on earth, Simpson," and I the lother day to a rural friend of mine whom '|K was visiting-- "how on earth did a %Mkward, diffident fellow like yon ever to say, 'Will yon?' to a witty, self-poised woman like your Urife?" I really waacnuious to know. Simpson M saoh a slow, sedate person, and his was snch a little firefly, that there '̂ always seemed to me something fonnily ̂ f IBueongruoTis in their union. / « Simpson made his usual deliberate 1 e before answering. "Well, I awdcon '*--my friend is a Hoosier--"I ItMkon it was queer I ever asked her, T: Viimd the way it happened was queerer "•5fks=M iwtmj We had oatried our chain out into front yard, in order to smoke in Hwito comfort; and I now tilted mine - ; lawk agftiast a tree, knowing that the f I, .'«toiy that was brewing in my friend's *il CmttaA would not be over in a hurry. I ^«oadense it for the benefit ot those .jwadera who may not have aa much l̂ nlaitttre and paiienee as I had: . j ̂ ^Xbn me„n he began, slowfy clearing îlB^Mland crowing his legs, ."I was ^CdUnipfc Mfliiei;aofHike aboutSnsie, from t ' lifcM Urn® 1 used to sit by her in school ; '̂ «ad*1rork her turns. She hadn't a par jtscl© of head for figures, and I had, so pretty well as long as school and Busie, though she laughed f BK« more than any of the girls, liked '̂"Jme a little, W; for it isn't in human /l̂ natore not to like the person that works ^p^rsnms. I know, because that was w;ê |dboiRt all the way I had of making " friwwia, when I was a boy, and I made a many. But when our school days over most of them forgot, but never did. She was the prettiest •alM& most popular girl in the country, -*Hid had no end of a I the e that ΫiS;!fiiq»f>y Im afterwards. b • • » . m n r f l n t t h e r e w a a a p a r t y o n e n i g h t a t I^Ntalm Coon's; and, aa it wasn't far, I Susie would only have to be bored me going and coming, I asked her •• y t̂te g« with me, and she said4 Certainly,' *jftm4 amilecl as if it was the greatest treat world. ' t * As the 'Squire's was only half a mile ( '1r» Susie's home, and there was a mee, dry path through the woods, we < walked, it was about the middle of October, and the path we took waa wjith dry leaves that made a t rustle under our feet. A aHifiji moon aî a slim turnout of ̂tecs gave just light enough to make ̂-She face trunks on either side of the , jgath looklike anything elM but what ,/lf̂ were.̂ ' •" - J v#|̂ . *Th« only remark I remember to Jwve made on the way to the 'Squire's - I -«raa that it WM going to rain before S'1]* morning, and that I hoped it would. I % >'*• t little thought how much' reaaon I had ... "•v.-V. J . _ ff|; -̂ hope. * I don't reoolleot much about the V# rf "^arty, except that I sat most of the time in a particular oorner, and watched Su- as nmchas I dared. f Whan the party had took** mt whft waa a lis: 'JMwer stay aUi#4Benjy,it's goin' to rain." But we thovght not. When we got into the Hoods, however, we begin to find out it was dark and no mistake, The we went, the deeper became the darkness. I knew the path we had to follow, every crook and curve in it, But the oarpet of dead leaves bothered me. I had to stop two or time times, and grope about on either aide, to make sure that I was in the right traok; and the last time I found I waa not in it, and, what was worse, couldn't find it. "I kept up the search as long as pos sible, dreading to tell Susie of the stu pid blunder I had committed. But the truth had to oome out at last; and, aa if to make matters really serious, it began to rain--a dull, pattering fall, that would probably last till daylight and Susie exposed to it. She tried to make ' a Joke of it at first; but, m the rain came more and more steadily, she became frightened and nervous. I found her the best shelter I could at the roots of a great tree, but the rain reached her even there. She had nothing round her but a light shawl--for the evening had been unusually warm for the season and I knew she would soon be thor oughly chilled; ao, being very tough myself, and used to all sorts of expos ure, I just took off my coat and begged her to wrap it round her shoulders, but she would hear to nothing of the aort, and bade me quite brusquely to put on my coat. But the rain increased, and the night grew damper and oolder. I resolved to take matters into my own hands. Without saying a word, I just wrapped the coat around her shoulders myself, and, for fear she wouldn't take it, I said, by way of apology, you see, ' I'd give my life for you any minute, Susie, and it don't stand to reason I shouldn't give you my coat.' She kept as mute as a mouse while I was fixing the coat; but, when I was done, she took my hand in both of hers, and, says she, 'Do you think so very much of me, Ben?' and, says X,' More than I can tell, or you can think, I reckon.' "And, says she,' Why did you never tell me so before?' ' Well,' says I,' yon knowFm rather slow of Speech; and, besides, I reck oned you wouldn't care to hear the like from me.' 4 "She didnYaay nothing after that for a good long spell, till I began to be afraid she was offended; then says die, 'You may sit down here beside me, if you like, Ben.' "I did so, and then, aftw Another good long spell, says die, stroking mj hand with one of hers, * You're the tat and kindest man in the world, Ben; and I like you better than any of them.' " My shirt-sleeves were by this time wetenough to wring, and the chill gusts that every now and then swept down from the tree-tops were enough to make a Newfoundland dog shiver; but I never felt warmer or more comfortable in my life than when Snsie said that. I never felt my slowness of speech more in my life, though it seemed as if I conlc t̂ think of any word that meant enfagh. So I had to sit and listen to Suj& with out being able to say a word ifyself, but she didn't appear tgannd it a bit. " Well, thing I knew it had stopjtfv? raining, and the moon waa "ping down through a drift in the clouds. I found the path in no time; and Susie jnade me pat on my ooat again. When we got home to Susie's, her father was just turning out to look for us, and met us at the yard gate. '"Soaked but smiling/ says he. ' What on earth has happened to make you look so pleasant, when you are both as wet as a couple of drowned kittens!' He had a lantern, you see, and flashed it right in our faces. We didn't tell Mm anything then, but he found out about a month after when I came to ask for Susie." Just at th^mosftent wewtire intet̂ rupted by a pretty, scolding voice from the house, exclaiming, " Why, Ben, you will catch youT death ot cold, sitting out there without your coat when the dew is falling." Simpson had been over an hour tell ing his story. Our pipes had gone out and the sun had gone down, tat there was still light enough to mask the placid expression of delight that came over his face at the mere sound of his wife's voice; and I thought I saw plainer than ever before how it had happened that the lively little Susie had married my slow friend, and had done wisely in ao doing. • . • -- - s^'MifDivo JSToxxtmi>o» nr m JPXMITMN2IAMT. Among the recent arrivals at the pen- itentiary were Edward Kinney (colored) and Mary S. Hall (white), of Hanover county, convicted of a violation of the State law forbidding intermarriage of persons of different races, and sentenced to five years' imprisonment. This it the first conviction under the decision of the Supreme Court ot Virginia, at Staunton, in the McKieney cas& Mo» .... ,•*&< 9§ is claimed, whereupon the two went to Washington, and were united in marriage according to the laws of ths District of Colombia. After marriage and return to Hanover, they were in dicted and tried together for violation of the law mentioned, with the result above stated. It is understood that a strong petition from those best ac quainted with the merits of the case will be presented to the Governor, ask ing lor their pardon--they to leave the State forever. -Bichmond (Fa+) Bis- 1>atch. ' USEFUL IKFOBMATldS. • . i DISSOLVE two pounds alum in three quarts of water. Apply with a brush while hot to every orevice where vermin harbor. HOUSEWTVBS, provide yourselves with a bottle of ammonia and a package of borax before commencing your semi annual renovations. WHKK sheets are beginning to wear in the middle, sew the selvage sides to* gether, and rip open the old seam, or tear in two and ham the aides. OonrEB placed on a hot shovel and carried through the house will destroy any unpleasant odor, and purify the atmosphere, it is an excellent disin fectant. PoTTEKTcattbe easily gilded by using the gold powder and varnish sold for the purpose. It is mixed in small quantities and applied with a camel's hair pencil. THERE are now so many handsome designs for rugs, to be made from bits of flannel, cloth, ends of worsted, or car pet ravelings, that every lady should have at least one. A half an hour each day would soon complete it. Im stewing Spanish oniona, remove the outer skins, wash in water, and out the onions in half if large. Put in a stew-pan, cover with stock, and la little ham or bacon, cut small, and stew gen tly for three houra; serve hot. / A VALUABLE glue can be made from chestnuts by freeing them from the shells, grinding the kernel into a flour, mixing it well and washing in water and passing through a sieve. The fine floury mass so obtained is washed in clear water several times and allowed to settle. The sediment or starch thus de posited is dried in the air, and again treated with chlorine water, washed again and made into a glue aimikr to that made from starch. The advantage of this glue is that it will retain its liquid state even at a cold temperature, while common glue must have a con stant fire to keep it ready for us% , ABMABSnrATIOWS XV MUSSEL' In a hotel in Moscow known Nobel'schen Oasthaua, a youngjyfln en_ gaged the rooms nnmbem^ ̂an(| gj ostensibly for a fanjfl̂ He immedi ately took po^w'Soii, and, on the fol lowing mogfiifSg^weBt out, returning in about y^alf an hour's time--whether ®J°Bfor with a companion is not known, {(though several residents of the hotel saw two young men in the corridor, who entered the apartment No. 60. For eight days the door of No. 60 remained locked without the fact attracting at tention. Finally a disagreeable smell was detected pervading the corridor, and the police were summoned and broke into the chambers* In No. 60 a pidjak was found hanging. In No. 61 was lying the corpse of a man, face downward, and the feet directed toward the door of the chamber. The head was partially covered with a pillow, be neath which was a pool of oongealed blood. On the back of the murdered man was pinned a paper, upon which was written: "Traitor and spy, con demned and executed by us, the Rus sian Socialists and Revolutionists ,̂ Ulte murderers are still at large. ZUUUXEt WATS or WXMALM LMK7T- UBKMS. When Grandfather Lickshinkle heard that Susan B. Anthony had been obliged to cancel a lecture engagement, he did not wait to learn the reason, but broke OQI: , •Didn't I know it? Didn't I tell you tha| a pennon cant talk right on forever and a day? Aa' the aame terrible fate that has seized this poor creature by the throat is lyin' in the ambushes at the side of the road waitin' for half the female population, and every mothers son of a female lecturer, as it were, in this country." - * •* "What fate, pny?T • "Corns." , . "You don't mean corns, grandfather?" " I do, as Heaven is my judge. Mrs. Anthony has talked ao much that ahe has corns on her tongue." -What!" "An', if ahe doeant give her ohin a rest, shell have bunions on her palate," | and the old man went out to see if the ' speckled hen had opened the campaign. --Cincinnati Enquirer. A MINT Children may be taught a good deal at home, by devoting a itw miwitea ' every day to the purpose. To THE HOVSK or REPRESENTATIVES: I have matarely considered the important questions presented ID a Mil entitled " An act making ap propriations for the support of the army for ths fiscal year ending June 3 ), 1880, and for otMr purposes," and I now return It to the Boose of Representatives, in which it originated, with my objections to its approval The bill provides, in the usual form, for the appropriation required for the support of the army during the next fiscal year. If it eoe- tained no other provisions it would receive my prompt approval, t It includes, however, farther legislation which, attached as it is to appropria tions which are requisite for the® efficient per formance of some of the moat neoessary duties of the Gewernment, involves questions of tho gravest character. The ftixth section of the bill is amendatory of a statute now in force in regard to the authority of person8 in the civil, military and naval serv ice of the United States at the place where any general or special election is held in any State. This statute was adopted Feb. 25,1865, after a protracted debate in the Senate and almost without opposition in the Boose of Representa tives, by the concurrent votes of both of the leading political parties of the oountry, and be came a law by the approval of President Lin- ooln. • Scctlon 5,5*8. Every officer of the army or navy, or other person in the civil, military or naval ser vice of the United States, who order*, brinira, kaeps or fcaa ander bin authority or control any troopo or armed.men at any place where n general or special election is hold in any Siate, wiiless such force be neecsni»ry to repel rrnied n«em!«s of the United Htales, or to keep peace at the poll*. RH*)1 be tin«H1 not more than and suffer imprison ment at hard labor not less than three moutLs nor more than five years, was re-enacted in 1874, in the Revised Statutes of the United States. Section 3,003. Mo military or naval officer or other person engaged in civil, military or naval service of the United States shall order, bring, keep or have under his authority or control any troops or armed men at the place where any (f*neral or special election is held in any State, unless it be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States. The amendment proposed in this statute in the bill* before me omits from both of the fore going sections the words " or to keep the peace at the polls." The effect of the adoption of this amendment may be considered--First, upon the right of the United States Government to use military force to keep peace at elections for members of Congress; and, second, upon the right of the Government by civil authoritv to protect these elections from violence anil fraud. In addition to the sections of the statute above quoted, the following provisions of the Isw relating to the nse of tho military power at elections are now in force: Section 3,003. No ollicer of the army or navy of the United States shall prcac-ibe or fix, or attempt to prescribe or ftx, liy proclamation, order or other wise, the qualifications of voters in any State; or In any manner interfere with the freedom of any election, in any State, or witii the exercise of the free rights of suffrage in any Staty. Section 5.510. Every officer or other person in the military or naval service, who. by force, threat, in timidation, order, advice or otherwise, prevents, or attempts to prevent, any qualified voter of any State from freely exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election in such State shall be fined not more thaa and imprisoned at bard labor not more than five years. Section 5.580, Every officer of the army or navy who prescribes, or fixes, or attempts to prescribe or As, whether by proclamation, order or other wise. the qualifications of voters at any election In any State, shall be punished as provided in the preceding section. Section 5,531. Every officer or other person In the military or naval service, who. by force, threat, intimidation or otherwise, compels, or attempts to compel, any ofitcer holding an election in any State to receive the vote from a persou not legally qualified to vote, or who Imposes or attempts to impose any regulations for conducting any general or special election in any State different from those prescribed by law, or who interferes iu any man ner with any officer of election in the discharge of his duty, shall be punished ss prescribed in section &,S2S. 8ection 5.539. Every person convicted of any of- the offenses specified in the precedlp«-«&ti0ns in a?.<?1QpP Hthe "therein sever- Sn>"pfe8fr'lbed,berfis<jualiHe« from holdingsny of fice of honor, profit or trust under the United States; bnt nothing in those sections shall be construed to prevent any officer, soldier, sailor or marine from exercisiug the light of suffrage in any election dis trict to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State in which he offers to vote. The foregeing enactments would seem to be sufficient to prevent military interference with elections; but the last Congress, to remove all apprehension of such interference, added to this body of the law section 15 of the act en titled "An act making an appropriation for the support of the army for the fissal year ending June 1870, ana for other purposes" ap proved June 58, 1878, which is as follows: SKC. 15. From and after the passage of tbis act it shall net be lawful to employ any part of the army of the United State^ as a posse comitates, or oth«rwise,.for the panose of executing the laws, exceyt la such eases, and under such circumstances, as such employment of said force may be exprrsslv authorised by the constitution, or by the act of Congress; and no money appropriated by this act shall be used to pay any of the expenses incurred in the employment of any troops in violation of this section; and any person willfully violating the pro visions of tbis section shall be defined guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon oonvlctinn thereof shall be punished by fine not exceeding 9lO,OOC. or impris onment not exceeding two yean, or both such fine and imprisonment. This act pasaed the Senate, after full eoosid- erktggsL without a tingle vote recorded against it oa its final paw age, and by a majority of more than two-thirds it was oonourred in by the House of Representatives, The purpose of ths section quoted was stated in the Senate by one of Its -supporters as fol lows: " Therefore, I hope; without getting in to any coAtrpvorpy about the nut, nut acting wisely for the future; that we HIIHII take away the idea that the army can be used by a General or special Deputy Marshal, or any Marshal, merely for election purposes, or a posse order ing them about polls, or ordering them any where else where there is no election going on to prevent disorders or suppress disturbances that should be suppressed by the peace officer* of the State, or, if tbey must bring other* to their aid, they should rammw unauthorised citiaens and not summon the officers and n.ibu of the army as a posse eomitatus to quell dis orders, and thus get up a feeliug which will be disastrous to ths peaoe among the people of the country." In the House of Representatives ths object of the aot of 1878 was stated by the gentleman who had it in charge in similar lertna Be said: "But thtp are all minor points, and insignifi cant points compared with tho "great principle whieh was incorporated by ths Bouse1 ta (lie bill in reference to the use of armed men in peace. The Senate had already Included wh&t th«7 called, and what we might 'accept, as a principle, bnt tbey had stricken oat the poual and had stricken ont the word ' expressly,*• that the army might be need iu all o where implied authority might be interfi with. The House oommitieo planted selves firmly upon the doctrine that, ri thau yield tbis fundamental principle, which for three years this House struggled, they would allow ths bill to notwithstanding the reforms that ws cured, regarding these reforms of but coowquence alongside of the great princflR? that the army of the United States in timsiof peace sbouli !»• uuder the control of Congitss and obedient to its laws. After a long and pre*, tracted negotiation, the Senate committee has conceded that principle in its length and breadth, including the penalty which ths Senate had stricken out We bring you bade, there fore, a report--a report with the alteration of a single word, which lawyers assure me is proper to be made, restoring to tbis bill the principle T,cb we *1RV© contended so long,and which is so vital to secure the rights and Uber- ties of the people. Thaa hive we thh d*y Be- cured to the people of this country the eame great protection against a standing army which eost the struggle of 300 years for the Commons of England to sscure for the British people." From this brief review of the subject, it suf ficiently appears that under the ousting laws there can be no military interference with eleo- So case ot such interference has, in t ff i f ' * V" I nf"| ; of IhiebMwhkh! p^ntistheoisnae whtoh, If i prtntecMtSftoittiM of or an power to keep peaoe a* < district, hi a very fiu matter of pol&cal throughout tho whole country •very oolitlcal party--is entitled to o share of the power which is conferred by legal and con stitutional suffrage. It is the right of every citizen possessing the neeessaiv qualifications preeeribed by law to cast one unlnfamidated bal lot, and to have bis ballot honestly oonnted. So long as ths exercise of this {power and the en joyment of this right are common and equal, practically as well as formally, submission to Buffrags will be accorded loyally and cheerfully, and the departments of the Government will feel the true vigor of the popular will thus ex pressed. Two provisions of the constitution authorize legislation by Congress for ths regu lation of Congressional elections. Section 4 of Artiele L of the constitution de clares: The times, places and manner of holding elections tor Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State, by tho Legislature thereof; but Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the .places of choosing Senators. The Fifleeuth amendment to the constitution is as follows. Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by tile United States, or by any State, oa account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. Sec. 3. The Congress sMl have power to eaferce this article by 'appropriate legislation. Tho Supreme Court lias held that this amend ment invests citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right, which Is within the protecting pbwer of Congress. That right the court declares to b© the exemption from dis crimination in the exercise of the elective fran chise on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. The power of Congress to protect this right by appropriate legislation is expressly affirmed by the court of national leg islation; to provide safeguards for free and honest elections, is necessary, as experience has shown, not only to secure the right to vote to the enfranchised race at the South, but also to prevent fraudulent voting in the large dties of the North. Congress has, therefore, exer cised the power conferred by the constitution, and has enacted oertain ^aws to prevent dis crimination on account of race, color or previ ous condition of servitude, and to punish fraud, violence and intimidation of Federal elections. Attention is called to the following section of the Revised Statutes of the United 'States viz.: Section 2.004, which guarantees all citizens the right to vote without distinction on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. Sections 2,005 and 52,00(5, which guarantee to all citizens an equal opportunity, Tvithont dis crimination, to perform all the acts required by law as a prerequisite or qualification for voting. Section 2,0(22, which authorizes the United States Marshal and his deputies to keep peace and preserve order at Federal elections. Section 2,024, which authorizes the United States Marshal and his deputies to spnunon a posse eomitatus 'whenever they, or any of them, are forcibly resisted in the execu tion of their duties under the law and are pre vented from executing their du ies by violence. Section 5,522, which provides for the punish ment of the crime of interfering with Super visors of Election and Deputy Marshals in the discharge of their duties at elections of Repre sentatives in Congress. Thete are some of the laws on this subject, which it ia the duty of the Executive Depart ment of the Government to enforce. The intont and effect of the sixth section of this bill is to prohibit all civil officers of the United States, under a penalty of line and im prisonment, from employing any adequate civil force for this purpose at the place where their enforcement is most necessary, namely: At places where Congressional elections are. held. Among the most valuable eiiHctmeit>J^ which 1 have referred are those w\yf,Yptotect the Supervisors of Fede^ffeioSs in the dis charge at the polls. If thepeixliog l^gte' ®!*„»T8houkl become a law, there is no power 'vested in any officer of the Government to pro tect from violence the officers of the United States engaged in the discharge of their duties. Their rights and duties under the law will remain, but the National Government will be powerless to enforce its own statutes. The States may employ both military and civil power to keep the peace and enforce the laws at State elections. It is now proposed to deny to the United States even the necessary civil auiticrity to protect national electiona No sufficient reason has been given for this discrimination in favor el a State and against national antltoiity. If well-founded objections exist agaiust the present national Election laws, ail good citizeus should unite in their amendment, LSWB pro viding safeguards of elections should he im partial, just and efficient They should, if pos sible, be so non-partisan and fair in their oper ation that the minority party out of power will have no just grounds to complain. The pres ent l$ws have in practice unquestionably conduiosd to the preveution of fraud and vio lence at elections In several of the States members of different political parties have ap plied for the safeguards which they furnish. It is the right and duty of the National Gov ernment to enact and enforce the laws which will secure free and fair Congressional elec tions. Tho laws now in force should not be repealed except in connection with the enact ment of the measures which will better accom plish that important end. Believing that sec tion <> of the bill before me will weaken, if it does not altogether take away, the power of the National Government to protect Federal elections by the civil authorities, I am forced to ths conclusion that it ought not to re ceive my approval. That section is, how- ever, not presented to me as a separate and independent measure, but i», aa has been s1 at«d, attached to .|hs bill, making the usual annual appropriations for the support of the army.' It makes a vital change in the Election law of the country, which is in no way connected with the use ©f the army. It prohibits, under heavy penalties, any person engaged in the civil service of ths United States from having any force at the place of any elec tion prepared 10 preserve order, to make ar rests, to keep the peace, or in any manner to enforce the laws. This is altogether foreign to sh© purpose of an anuy appropriation bill. The practice ©f tasking to tiie Army Appro- Sriatinn bills measures not pertinent to such ills did not prevail until more than forty years after the adoption of the constitution. It has become the oommon practice. All parties, when iu power, have adopted ii. Many abases and a great waste of public money have in this way .crept Into appropriation- Mils. The. public opinion of the' 00011117 is aga&tst ii The States w^ch have recently adopted constitutions have generally, provided a remedy for the evil by en acting that no laws shall contain more than one subject, which shall be plainly expressed in its title. The constitutions of more than half of > contain substantially this provision fpy gross would be accomplished. . The best justification that has been offered for attaching irrelevant riders to appropriation bills is that it is done for convenience sake, to facilitate the passage of measures which are deemed ekpedient by all branches of the Gov ernment wliich participate in the legislation. It cannot be claimed that there is any suoh reason for attaching this amendment of the Election law to tue Army Appropriation bill. The history of ths measure con tradicts this assumption. A majority of the House of Representatives in the l»«t Coegress was in favor of tbis section to this bill. It was known that a majority of the Senate was op posed to it, and tnat as a separate measure it could not be adopted. It was attached to the Army Appropriation UO% eompel tho Senate to assent to it It waa plainly announced to the Senate lhat the Army Appropriation bill wt.uld not be allowed to pass unless the propose* 1 amendments of the blectiou laws were adopted SfS^^b£S2JgS3i52f^SiSfi»^f?t̂ •P* kIWWWVt AV M*S ourdBtytoreprt tlMtt; it is nor woHtt while not agree nor the Republican President sigiL the bill for such repeal. Whatever ob- jeo&nlo legislated Uĵ Twopriatioii bills may bo mode ia an ordinary ease does not ap ply where free elections sad the liberty of citt- «ms are oonoemed. Wo hove power to vote the money. Let us satis* eonditions to it sad insist npon a redress of the grievance, into Senate reproseuta State*. We represent tho tax-payers of the republic. "We, therefore, 7 the very terms of the constitution, are charged with the duty of originating the bills which grant the money of the lieophh We right which the House of COttfrnons in England wstabHshed after two centuries of contest, to say that we will not grant the money of the people unless there is a redress of griev ances." By another distinguished member of the House it was said: "The right of therepresent- J?* people to withhold t uppues is as old as English liberty. History reccrds numer ous instances where the Commons, filing that tho people were oppressed by a law <hat the Lords wou d not consent to repeal by thi ordin ary methods of legislation, Obtained redress at last by refusing appropriations unless accom panied by relief measures." That questh#of gravest magnitude, and new in tbis oountry, was raised by this course of proceeding, ano was fully recognized also by ite defenders in the Senate. It wa« said by a distinguished Senator: "Perhaps no greater question, in the form in which we are brought to consider it, wau.erer considered by aa Amer ican Congress, in time of peace, for it involves not only the merits and demerits of laws which the House Mil proposes to repeal, but involves the rights, the privileges,the powers, the duties, of the two branches of Congress and of the Pmridenfof the United States." Upon the assembling of this Congress, in pursuance of the call for an extra session, which was mads neoessary by the fail ure of the Forty-fifth Congress to make the needful appropriations :or the sup port of the Government, the question was pre sented whether the attempt made in the last Congress to engraft, by construction, a new principle upon the constitution should be per sisted in or not This Congress has ample oppor tunity and time to pass the appropriation bills and also to enact any political measures which tnay he determined upon in separate bills and by the usual and orderly methods of procedure. But the majority of both houses have deemed it wise to adhere to the principle asserted and maintained in the last Congress by the majority of the House of Repre sentatives. That principle is that the House of Representatives has the sole right to originate bills for the raising of revenue, and, therefore, has tbo right to withhold the appropriations npon which the existence of the Government may depend, unless the Senate and Presid'-ut shall give their assent to any legislatijn which the House may see fit to attach to appropriation bills. To establish this principle is to make a radical, dangerous and unconstitutional change in the character of our iosticutions. The various departments of the Government and army and navy are established by the oon- stitution, or by laws passed in pursuance thereof. Their duties are clearly defined, and their support is careful'y provided for by law. The money required for this purpose has been collected from the peoplo and is now in the treasury, ready to be paid out as the appro priation bills are passed. Whether the appro priations are made or not, the collection of taxes will go on. The public money will ac cumulate iu tho treasury. It was not the in tention of the framers of the const itntion that any single branch of the Government should have power to dictate the conditions upon which this treasure should be applied to the purposes for which it was collected. Any such ;atention, if it had been entertained, would have -jjjpra plainly expressed in the constitution. Tteninj^.?.^6 ^ate concurs in the claim of the HouW Kr*YltJ' the situation, but does not alteT TfASH6811®" at issue. The new doctrine, if liiitiiitiiliiWV *11 T" suit i9i a consolidation of unchecked ami des potic power in the House of Representatives. A bare majority of the House w it become the Government. The Executive will no longer be what the framers of the constitution intended, an equal and independent branch of the Gov ernment It is clearly the constitutional duty of the President to exercise hi* discretion and judgment upon all biiis pr aented to him, with out constraint or redress from any other branch of the Government To say that a majority of either or both houses of Congress may insist on the approval of a bill, under the penalty of stopping all of the operations of the Government, for want of tho necessary supplies, is to deny to the Execu tive that share of tho legislative power which is plainly conferred by tie second section of the seventh article of the constitution. It strikes from the constitution the qnaliucd negative of the President It ia said that this should be done because it is the peculiar function of the House of Representatives to represent the will of the people; but no single branch or depart ment of the Ciovernmenthas exclusive authority to speak for the American people. The most authentic and solemn expression of their will is contained in the constitution of the United States. By that constitution they have ordained and established a Government whose powers are distributed among co-ordinate branches, whiob, as far as possible, consistently with a harmo nious co-operation, are absolutely independent of eaoh other. The people of the country are unwilling to see the supremacy of the constitu tion replaced by the omnipotence of any de partment of the Government The enactment of this bill into a law wit) es tablish a precedent which will tend to destroy the equal independence of the several branches of tho Government. Its principle places not merely the Senate and Executive, but the judiciary stoo^ under the coercive dictation of tbo House. Tbo House alone will be the judge of what con stitutes a grievance, and also of the means and me*-tire of redress. An act of Congress to protect elections is now the grievance com plained of, bnt tho House may, on the same principle, determine that any ot'ner act of Con gress--a treaty made by tne President, with the advioe and consent of the Senate--a nomina tion or appointment to office, or a decision or opinion of the Supreme Court--is a grievance, and that a meaeure of redress is to withhold appropriations required for the support of tbe offending branch of the Government. Believing that this bill is a dangerous viola tion of the spirit and meaning of the constitu tion, I am compelled to return it to the bouse a duty whiphl cannot decline to perform, with a firm and conscientious purpose to do what I can t© preserve, unimpaired, the constitutional powers and equal independence not merely of tbe Executive, but of every branch o' the Gov ernment, which will be imperiled by an adop tion of the principle of this bill. I desire earnestly to urge upon the House ol Representatives a return to the wise anl wbole- mnne usage of the earlier days of the republic^ winch excluded from appropriation bills all ir- reievaut legislation. By this course yon will inaugurate an im portant reform in the method of Congressional legislation. Your action will be iu harmony with the fundamental principles of tlio consti tution and the patriotic sentiment of nationali ty, which is their firm sn) port; and yon will restore to the country that feeiiugof confidence and security and repose winch ar« MO essential to the prosperity ot all our te low-citizeus.: (Signed) RUTHERFORD B. HAYBB. Two HKfioic pedestrians are wheeling barrows across the continent from San Francisco to New York. Feabermeyer, with a 110 pound barrow, has readied Kansas City, and Potter, the other thing of legs, is 410 miles behind. Whoever will reach New York first will go* $1,500. Th«y started together loos months ago. 4f, ,•*«?£•** -S* «#'