fHarofltaUr J.VMM.VKC. Ed McHENRY, ILLINOIS. >* V * A. BMREU. E»»<ne»K memorial Addr«M lipM llw LltcMdChatttcler*( Ike UUa Fl-- Meat, by Jauaaew €>. {paKvmd at AM Kmarlal tailN sft WlMktsgtnn, Feb. 27, 18W-] MB. PRESIDENT : For the second time In this generation the great department* of the Gov ernment of the United States are assembled in the Mail of Bepreeentatives to do honor to the memory of & mnrdmdPiwidaat Linooln fell at the close of a mighty struggle in which the passions of men had been deeply stirred. The s. **• many blood of the first born. Garfield wan slain in a day of peace, when brother had been reconciled to brother, and when anger and hate had beeu banished from the land. " Wbosvet shall here after draw the portrait of murder, if he will show it as it has been exhibitra, where such ex ample was least to have been looked for, let him not give the grim visage of Moloch, the brow knitted by revenge, the face black with settled hate. Let him draw rather % decorous, •mooth-fMed, MoodWtxt demoiynot so much an example of human nature in its depravity and in its paroxysms of crime as an in eraal being, »(lend in the ordinary display And develop ment of his character." From the landing of the pilgrims at PW- tnouth till the uprising against Chads* L about 20.000 emigrants came from Old England to New England. As tliay came in pursuit of intellectual freedom nnd ecclesiastical indepen dence rather than for worldly honor and protit, the emigration naturally ceased when the con- teat for religions liberty began in earnest at home. The man ivlu struck bis most effective Wow for freedom of conscience by sailing for the colonics in 1621) #ouidtirv<ii been accounted a deserter to ie%ve altor 1640. Tlis opportun ity had then dome ®n th$ soil of Entland for that great content' whicH esmbfiBhta the au thority of Parliament, gave religious freedom to the people, sent Cuarli-s to the block and committed to the hands of Oliver Crom-vell the supreme executive authority of England, xbt English ©migration wan never renewed, an i from these 20,000 men, with a small. migration from Hootlaud au<itr««u fisaioe, are descended the vast numbers who hnvy JHew Eaglaod blood In their vein*. IIK 16H5 €fie revocation of the Edict of Nantes *v ftofoe XIV. soautored to Other countries 400,000 Protestants, who were among the most intelligent and euterprisiug ol the French tmbjiciH--merchant# of* capital, skilled maiuifaenjjers and hftidicrafti-meij superior at tlie «hn«l to sfl o hers in E irope. A ooutiideral.'le number o: tiie.se Huguenot French oame to America. A few Uudsd IU Hew En gland and beoame prominent in Its history. Their names have in arge part become angli cized, or have disappeared, bat their blood is traceable in many of the most reputable fam ilies, and their lame is perpetuated in honora ble memorial i and .useful iustilutioua. From these two sources, thu Eiu^listi Puritan and the French Huguenot, came the Lite President, his father, Abram Garfield, being descended from the one, and his mother, Eliza Baiiuu, irom the other. It was good stock on both sides-- none better, none braver, none truer. There was in it an inheritance of courage, of manli ness, of imperishable love of liberty, of undy ing adherenoe 1o principle. OartieW was proud of hie blood, and, with as much satisfac tion as if he were a British nobleman re.tdiug his stately ancestral record in Burke's Peerage, he spoke of himsjlf as ninth iu descent from those who would not endure the oppression of the Stuarts, and seventh iu descent I rom the bravo French Protestants who refused to sub mit to tyranny even from the Grand Monarque. Gbu. G&rusijl dubphtcd to d^sii oq tiiese traits, and during his only visit to England he basied himself in discovering every traoe of his forefathers in parish registries and on ancient army roils. Sitting with a friend in the gallery of the House of Commons one night, after a Ion* day's labor in this early field of research, he said with evident elation that in every war iu which' for three centuries patriots of English blood had strnok sturdy blows for constitut-onal gov ernment and human liberty his family had oeen represented. Tbev were at Maraton Moor, at Naseby and Preston ; they were at Bunker Hill, at Saratoga and at Monmouth, and his own person had battled iu the same great cause in the war which preserved the Union of Htates. Losing bis father before he was 2 years old, the early life of Gartield was one of privation, but its poverty has been made indelicately and un justly prominent Thousands of readers have imagined mm as the ragged, starving child, whose reality too often greets the eye in the squalid sections of our large cities. Gen. Gar field's infancy and youth had none of the pitiful features appealing to the tender heart and to the open hand of charity. He was a poor boy in the same sense in which Henry Clay was a poor boy; in which Andrew Jackson was a poor boy ; m which Daniel Webster was a poor boy ; in the sime sen>e in which a large' majority of the emiuent men of America in all generations have been poor boys. Before a great multitude of men in a public speech Mr. Webster bore this testimony: " It did hot happen to me to be born in a lo -̂cabin, but'my elder brothers and sisters were born in a log-cubin, raised amid the suow-dntts of New Hampshire at A period so early that when the smoke rose first from its crude chimney and curled over the frozen hills there was no simi lar evidence or a white man's habitation be tween it and the settlements on the rivers of Canada. It remains still. I make it an an nual visit. I carry my children to it to teach them the hardships endured by tbe generations which have gone before them. I love to dwell on the tender recollections, the kindred ties, the early affections, and the touching narra tives and incidents" which mingle with all." I know of this primitive family abode, with the reauinite change of scene, the same words would "aptly portray the early days of Giuield. The poverty of the frontier,'where all are en gaged in a common struggle, and where a common sympathy and hearty co-operation lighten the burdens of each, is a, very different poverty--different iu kind, different in influ ence and effect from that conscious and hu miliating indigence which is every day forced to contrast itself with neighboring wealth, on which it feels a sens® or grinding dependence. The poverty of th^Jfrontior is indeed no pov erty. It «s but the beginning of wealth, and has the boundless possibilities of the future al ways opening before it No man ever grew up in tbe agricultural regions of the West, where a house-raising or even a corn-husking H mat ter of common interest or helpfulness, with another feeling than that of broad-minded, generoui independence. This honorable inde pendence marked the youth of Garfield, as it marks tbe youth of m l lions of the best blood and brain now training for thig^uture citizenship and future government of tne republic. Gar field was born heir to liud, to the title of tree- holder. which has been the patent and passport of sclt-respect with the Angio-Saxon race ever mice Heu^ist and Horsa landed on the shores of England. His adventure on the canal, an alternative between that and the deck of a Lake Erio schooner,.was a farmer boy's device for earning mmey, just an the New England lad be gins a poseibl'v great career bysailiug before the m«t on a coasting vessel or on a merchantman bound to the f u ther India or to the China seas. No manly tiihn lewis anyihmg of *haoie m look ing back to early struggles with adverse cir- cumsiauces, and no man l'eels a worthier pride than when he has conquered the obstacles to his progress. Bat, no one of noble mold de- dree to be looked upon as having occupied a menial position, as iiavmg imen repressea by a feeling of inferiority, or as having suffered the evil* of poverty imril relief was round at the h>md of chant*. Gin. Gar deli's youth pre sent- d no lis>d«lii;w winch faintlv lave and family energy did not overcome, subjected him to no privations which he did not cheerfully accept, and left no memories save those which were recalled with delight and transmitted with profit and with pride. G .riieid's early opportunities for securing an education were extremely limited, and yet were • sufficient to develop in him an intense desire to learn. He could read at 3 years of age. and each winter he had the advantage of the dis trict school He read all the books he found within the circle of his acquaintance. Somo of them he got uy heart. While yet in childhood he was a constant student of the Bible, and beoame familiar with its literature. The dig nity aud earnestness of his speeou in his ma- tnrer life gave evidenae of this early training. At 18 vp'rs of aw w«g ah'.o t,<> tevfi school, and thenceforward his ambition was to obtain a college education. To this end he bent all $us effort#, working in the harvest field, at the carpenter's bench, and in the winter season teaching the common schools of the neighborhood. While thus laboriously occupied he found time to prosecute his studies, and was so successful that at 22 he was able to enter the Junior claws at Williams College, then under the Presidency of the venerable and honored Mark Hopkias, wh% tm the fnHnass of bfe powtn, nntnl Use Mainent pwpl towfcan hswasof imMfl ' lbs history Garfield-* lite to this pteeeoU no novel Dttotw. lie had mndoabt- •dly shown perseverance. self-reUanoe, self- sacrifice and ambition--qualities which, be it, said for tbe honor of oar oormtty, are every where to bo found among the young men of America. Bat from his graduation at Williams, onward to the hour of his tragical death, Gar field's career was eminent and exceptional. Slowly working through his educational period, teoehring his diploma when 34 years of age, he seemed at one bound to spring into eoiwpicnom and brilliant xuoees*. Within six years he was successively President of a college, State Sen ator of Ohio, Major General of the army of the United States, and Representative to the national Congress--a combination of honors so varied, so elevated, wit inn a period so brief, and to a man so young, is without precedent or par allel in the history of the oountry. Garfield's army life was begun with no othre military knowledge tnsn such as ne naa n»suiy gained from book* in the few months preced ing his maroh to toe field. Stepping from civil life to the head of a regiment, the first order be received when ready to cross the Ohio was to assume command of a brigade and to ope rate as an independent form in Bastern Keo- tneky. His immediate duty was to check the advance of Humphrey Marshall, who was marching down the Big Sandy, with the inten tion of occupying, in connection with other Confederate forces, the entire territory of Ken- tacky, and of precipitating the State into se cession. This was at the elose of the year 1861. Seldom if ever has a young college professor been thrown into a more emimrr&siung aud discouraging position. He knew just enough of uiilitiry soienoe, as he expressed it himself, to measure the extent of his ignorance, and, with a handful of men, he was marching in roagh winter weather unto a strange country, among a hostile population, to oonfront a largely-superior foroe randor the command of a distinguished graduate of Wept Point, who had seen active and important service in two pre ceding wars. Tne result of the campaign is matter of history. The skill, the endurance, the extraordinary energy shown by Gartield, the courage ho imparted to his men, raw and nntried as himself ; the measures he adopted to increase his force and to create in th" enemy's mind exaggerated estimates of his numbers, bore perfect fruit in the routine of Marshall, the capture of his camp, the dispersion of lus force and tbe emancipation of an important territory from the control of tbe rebels. Com ing at the close of the long series of disasters to the Union arms, Garfield's victory had an nnusual and extraneous importance,' and, in the popular judgment, e'evated the young com mander to tne rank of a military hero. With less than 2,000 men in his entire command, with a mobilized force of only 1,100. without cannon, he had met an army of 5 000 and de feated them, driving Marshall's forces success fully from two strongholds of their own selec tion, fortified with abundant artillery. MaJ. G n. Buell, commander of the Department of Ohio, an experienced soldier of the regular army, published an order of thanks aud con gratulations on the brilliant result of the Big Bandy campaign, which wonld have turned the bead of a less cool and sensible man than Gar field. Buuii declared that his services had (tailed into action tbe highest qualities of a sol dier. anl President Lincoln supplemented these words if praise bv the nioro su bstantial reward of a Brigadier General's commission, to bear dr te from the day of his decisive victory over Mar>uall. The subsequent military career of Garfield fully sustained the brilliant beginning. With ins new commission lie was assigned to the ommand of a brigade in the Army of the Ohio «nd took part in the second and decisive day's fi^ht in the great battle of Shiloh. The remainder of the year 1862 was not es pecially eventl ill to Garfield, as it was not to tlio armies with which ho was serving. His practical sense was called into exercise in con templating the task assigned him by Gen. But! 11 of reconstructing bridges and re-establishing lints of railway communication for the army. His occupation iu this useful but not brilliant field was varied by service on oonrts-martial of importance, in which department of duty he won a valuable reputation, attracting the no- * "*j my.I' annmvdl nf thu able and eminent Judge Advocate General of the army. That of itself was warrant to honorable fame, for among the great men who in those trying days gave themselves, with entire devotion, to the service of their country one who brought to that service the respect, learning, the most fer vid eloquence, the most varied attainments, who in tne day of triumph sat reserved and si lent and aratefnl, "as" Francis Deak in the hour of Hungary's deliverance," was Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, and in his honorable re tirement he enjoys the respect and veneration of all who love tbe union of the States. Early in 1863 Garfield was assigned to the highly important and responsible post of Chief of Staff to Gen. UoBecrans, then at the head of the Army of the Cumberland. Perhaps in a great military campaign no subordinate officer requires sounder judgment and quicker knowl edge of men than toe Chief of Staff to the commanding General. An indiscreet man in such a position can sow more discord, breed more jealousy, and disseminate more strife than any other officer in the entire organ za- tion. When Gen. Garfield assumed his new duties he found various troubles already well developed and seriously affecting the value and efficiency of the Army of the Cumberland. The energy, the impartiality and the tact with which he sought to allay these dissensions and to discharge the duties of his new and trying position will always remain one of the most striking pi oofs of his great versatility. His military duties closed on the memorable field of Cluckainauga, a field which, however disastrous to the Union arms, gave to him the occasion of winning imporishable laurels. The very rare distinction was accorded him of a great pro motion for his bravery on a field that was lost President Lincoln appointed him a Major Gen eral in the army of tbe United States " for gal lant and meritorious conduct in the battle of Chckamauga." The Array of the Cumberland was reorgan ize! under the oommand of Gen. Thomas, who promptly offered Garfield one of its divisions. He was extremely desirous to accept the posi tion, but was embarrassed by tbe fact that h* had a year before been elected to Congress, and the time when he must take his seat was drawing near. He preferred to remain in the military service, and had within his own breast the largest confidence of success in the wider field which his now rank opened to him. Bal ancing the arguments on the one side and the other, anxious to determine what was for the best, dosiroiiH above all things to do his patri otic duty, be was decisively influenced by the advice of President Lincoln aud Secretary Stanton, both of whom assured bim that he coald at that time be of especial value in the House of Representatives. He resigned his commission of Major General on tbe 5:h div of December. 1803, and took hi* seat in the House of Representatives oil the 7th. He had served two years aud four mo itln in tbe army, and had just completed his 32d year. The Thirty-eighth Congress is prominently entitled in history to the designation of the War Congress. It was elected while the war was flagrant, and every member was chosen upon the issues involved in the continuance of the struggle. The Thirty-seventh Oongreia had indeed legislated to a large extent on war meatmen, but it was chosen beforti any one believed that secession of the States would bo actually attempted. Tho magnitude of the work which fell upon its succeasor was unprece dented both in respect to the vast sum of money raised for support of the army and navy &nd of the new and extraordinary powers of legislation which it was forced to escrciBe. Only twenty-four States wer* represented, and 183 members were upon its rolls. Among '.bese were many distinguished party leaders on both sides--veterans in the public service, with es tablished reputations for ability, and with that skill which comes only from parliamentary ex perience. Into this assemblage of men Garfield entered, without special preparation, and, it might almost be said, unexpectedly. The question of taking command of a division of troops yiider Gen. Thomas or takinsr his seat in Congress was kept open till the last moment- go late, indeed, that the resignation of his mil itary commission and his appearance in the House were almost contemporaneous. He wore the uniform of a Major General of the United States army on Saturday, and on Mon day in civilian's dres* he answered to the roll- call as a Representative in Congress front the State of Ohio. He was especially fortunate in the constitu ency which elected him. Descended almost en tirely from New England stock, tbe men of the Ashtabula district were intensely radical on all questions relating to human rights, well edu cated, thriltv. thoroughly intelligent in affairs, acutely discerning of character, not quick to bestow confidence and slow to withdraw it, they were at once the most helpfiri and most exact ing of supporters. Their tenacious trust in men in whom they have once confided is illus trated by the unparalleled fact that Elisha Whittlesev, Joshua R. Giddings and James A. Garfield represented'the district for firry-four yearn. There is no test of a man's ability -in any department of public life more severe than service in the House of Representatives ; there is no ulaca where so little deference is paid to reputation previously acquired, or to eminence wo'i outside ; no plaoe where so little considera- • tion is stiowu for the feelings or failutes of be ginners. What a man gains in the House he gains iiy sheet foroe at his own character, and, if he loses and falls bade, he must expect no mercy «nd will receive no symnathy. It is fc field in which the survival of the strongest is the recognised rate, aod whers no iwetense can survive and no glamour can mislead. Tne real man is discovered, his worth is impartially weighed, his rank i* irrevocably (tended. W>tn possibly a tingle exception, G*r- fi*Ed was the yoangeat member in the House when he entered, and was but seven years from his oollege graduation ; bat he had not been in his seat sixty days before bis ability was recognized and his pUoe conceded. He stepped to the front with the confidence of ona wha belonged there ; the House was crowded with strong men of both parties; nineteen of them have since been transferred to the Sen ate, and many of them have served with dis tinction in the Gubernatorial chairs of their respective States aud on foreign missions of great consequence. But, among all, none grew ao rapidly, none so tirmly, as Garfield. As is •aid by Teyelan of hi* parliamentary hero, Gar field succeeded because all the world in concert could not have kept him in the background, and because, when once in the front, he played his part with a prompt intrepidity and a commanding ease that were but the outward symptoms of the immense reserves of energy on which it was in his power to draw. Indeed, the apparently reserved force which Garfield possessed was one of his great characteristics. He never did so well but that it seemed he could easily have done better. He never ex pended so much strength but that he seemed to be holding additional poarer at oalL This is one of the happiest and rarest distinctions of an effective leader, and often counts for as much in persuading an assembly as eloquent and elaborate argument. His military lite, illustrated by honorable per formance and rich in promise, wan, as he him self felt, prematurely terminated__&nd neces sarily incomplete. Speculation oslto -What he might b»ve done in a field where the great prises are so few cannot be profitable. It is sufficient to say that as a soldier ho did his duty bravely, he did it intelligently, he won an en viable fame and he retired from the service without blot or breath against him. As a law yer, though admirably eqaipped far the pro fession, he can scarcely b® said to have entered on its practice. 'J he few efforts made at the bar were dis tinguished by the same high order of talent which he exhibited on every field where he was Put to the test, and, if a man may be accepted Is a competent judge of his own capacities aud adaptations, the law was the profession to which G.irfieUl should have devoted himself. But fate ordained otherwise, and his reputation in history will rest largely upon his services in the House of Representatives. That service was exceptionally long. He was nine times consecutively Congressman to the House, an honor enjoyed by not more than six other Representatives of the mors than 1,000 who have been elected from tho organisation Of the Government to this hour. Aa a parliamentary orator, as a debater on an issue squarely joined, where the position bad been choseu and the ground l^id out, ®*r- field must be assigned a very high rahk-r-moro perhaps than any man with whom he was as sociated in public life. He gave careful and systematic study to publio questions, and be came to every discussion in wluoli he took pait with elaborate and complete preparations. He was a steady and indefatigable worker. Those who imagine that talent or eetiius can supply tho pi ;ice or achieve the results of labor will rind no en -ouragemeut in Garfield's life. In preliminary work he was apt, rapid and skill ful, He possessed in a high decree the power of readily absorbing ideas and facts, and, like Dr. Johnson, had the art of getting from a book all that was of value in it by a reading apparently so quick and cursory that it seemed like a mere gunce at the table of contents. He was pre-eminently a fair and candid man; in debate he took no petty ad vantage, stooped to no unworthy meth ods, avoided personal allusion, rarely ap pealed to prejndioa, did not seek to uifl .me passion. He had a qiflcker eye for the strong poiut of his adversary than for his weak point, and on his own side he so marshaled his weighty aruunfents as to make his hearers for get auy possible lack in tho complete strength of his position. Ho had a habit of stating liW opponent's side with such amplitude of fniraes« SOU «... i. iiberaUtT «f couosssSis tfest his fol lowers often complain d that ho was giving his case away. But never in his prolonged partici pation in the proceedings in the House did be give his case away or fail, in the judgment of competent and impartial listeners, to gain the mastery. These characteristics which marked Garfield as a great debater did not, however, make him a great parliamentary leader. A par liamentary leader, as that term is understood wherever free representative government ex ists, is necessarily and very stristly the organ of his party. An ardent American defined th* instinctive warmth of patriotism when he of fered the toast, " Oar country, always right} tot, right or wrong, oar country." The parliamentary leader who has a body of followers that will do, and dare, and die for the cause is one who believes his party always right, but, right or wrong, is for his party. No more important or exacting duty devolved npon him than the selection of the field and the time for contest. He must know not merely how to strike, bnt where to strike and when to strike. He often skillfully avoids the strength of his opponent's position and scat ters confusion in hi.s ranks by attacking an ex posed point, when reaily the righteousness of the cause and the strength of the logical in- trcnchment are against him. He conquers of ten both against the right and the heavy bat talions, as when young Charles Fox, in tha days of his Toryism, carried the House of Com* mons against justice, against immemorial rights, against his own con -ictioiss--- if, indeed, at that period Fox had convictions--and in tha interests of a corrupt adm nstration, in obedi ence to a tyrannical fcovoieign, drove Wilkes from the seat to which tha electors of Middle sex ha<f chosen him, and installed Luttreli, in defiance not merelv of law but of public decency. For an achieve ment of that kind Garfield was disqualified--• disqualified by tbe texture of his mind, by the honesty of his heart, by his conscience, and by every instinct and aspiration of his nature. The three most distinguished parliamentary leaders hitherto developed in this country are Mr. Clay, Mr. Douglas and Thaddeus Stevens. Ehdi was a man or consummate ability, of great earnestness, of intense personality, differing widely each from the others, and yet with a signal trait in common--the power to command. In the give and take of daily discussion ; in the art of controlling and consolidating reluctant and relractory followers ; in the skill lo over come a'i forms of opposition and to meut with oomi>etency and courage the various aliases of unlooked-for assault or unsuspected defection, it would be difficult to rdik with thede a fourth name m all cur Congressional history. Bnt of these Mr. Clay was the greatest. It would, perhaps, ^be impossible to find in tho I parliamentary annals of the woria a par allel to Mr. Clay in 1841, when, at 64 years of age, he took the control of Klie Whig party from the President who had reieived their suf frages, against the power of VJfebster in the Cabinet, against the eloquence of Choate in the Senate, against the herculean effort* of Caleb Cuslnng and Henrv A. Wise iu the House. In unshared leadership, in the pride imd plenti- tode of power, he hurled against John Tyler with deepest sccrn the ma&s of that conquer ing column which had swept over the land in 1840, and drove his administration to seek shelter behind tbe lines of hie political foes. Mr. Douglas achieved a victory scarcely loss wonderful when, in 1864, against the secret desires of a strong administration, against the wise counsel of the older chiefs, against the conservative instincts and even the mora! sens* of the country, he forced a reluctant Congress into a repeal of tlie Missouri compromise. Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, iu his oontM* futm 1865 to 1868, actually advanced his W»g»K3ptjiry lead ership until Congress tied the hands of the President and governed the country bv its own will, leaving only perfunctory duties to be dis charged by the Executive. With §200,000,009 Of patronage in his hands at -iho opening of the content, aided by the active force of Sew« ard in the Cabinet and the moral power or Chare on the t ench, Andrew Johnson could not command the support of one-third in either house agsinst tho parliamentary uprising of which Thaddeus Steveus wns the animating spir t ?nd the unquestioned leader. From these three great men Garti ld differed radi cally--differed iu the quality of his mind, in temperament, in tbe form und phase of am bition He could not do what they did, bnt he couid do what they could not, aud iu the breadth of his Congressional work he left that wnich will iong *xert a potential influence among men, and which, mensured by tho se vere test of posthumous ,91 iticwui, will secure a more enduring and morv snvinble fama* Those unfHmiliar with O&fflefcTs industry and ignorant of the details of his work may in some degree measure them by the nunnis of Con- I gress. No one of the generation of public ' men to which be t<elo'itrert ha- contributed so i much that will be valuable for future refer- j ence. His speeches are numerous, many of them brilliant, all of them well studied, carefully phrased and exhaustive of the subject under consideration Collected from the scattered pages of ninety royal octavo volumes of Con gressional Il< ci nJji, they would present afi in- valU'.ble compendium of tbe puliu.-al history of the nn st important era ti.rough which the na tional Government his ever p issed. When the history of this period shall be impartially writ ten, when war legislation, measures of recon struction, proMiUon of human rights, amend- C>v StJtMi ments to the constitution, maintenance of pub lic credit, steps toward specie resumption, true theories of revenue may be reviewed, unsur- rommded by prejudice and disconnected, from partiaaniSm, the apeeches of GartMd will be estimated at their true value, and will be found to comprise a vast magazine or fact and atgwoent, of clear analysis and sound conclusion. Indeed; if no other authority were accessible his speeches in the Home of itepresentattrai from December, 1«KJ, to June. 1880, wonld give a well-connected history and complete defense of the important legislation of the seventeen eventl ul voars that constitute his puiimnontsry life. Far beyond that his speeches would be found to forecast many great measures yet to be completed--measures which he knew were beyond the public opinion of the hour, but which he confidently believed wonld secure popular approval within the pe riod of his own lifetime, and by tho aid of nis own efforts. Differing as Gartield did from the brilliant parliamentary leaders, it is not easy to find his counterpart anywhere in the record of American public life. He perhaps more nearly resembled Mr. Seward in his su preme faith in the all-conquering power of principle. He had the love of learning and the patient industry of investigation to which John Adams owes his prominence and his Presidency. He had some of those ponderous elements of mind which distinguished Mr. Webster, and which indeed in all our public life have left the great Massachusetts Senator without an intel lectual peer. In English parliamentarv history as in our own the leaders In the House" of Com mons present points of essential difference from Garfield Bnt some of his methods recall the best features in the strong, independent course« of Sir Robert Pee!, and striking resemblances are discernible in that most promising of modern Conservatives who died too early for his eouutrv and his fame, Lord George Bentick. He had mil of Burke's love for the sublime and the beautiful, with possi bly something of his superabundance, and in his faith and in his magnanimity, in his power of statement, in his subtle analysis, in his faultless logic, in his love of literature, in his .wealth and world of filtration, one is re minded of that great English statesman of to day, who, confronted witn obstacles that wonld daunt auv but the dauntless, reviled by those whose supposed rights be Is forced to invade, still labors with serene courage for the amelio ration of Ireland and for the honor of the English nsuije. Garfield's nomination to the Presidency, while not predicted or anticipated, was not a surprise to tho country. His prominence in Congress, his solid qualities, his wide reputation, strength ened bv Ins then recent election as Senator from Ouio, kept bim iu the public eye as a man occupying the very highest range among those entifted to bur cailsd statesmen. It was not mer.' chanco that brought him this high honor. '• We must." sitys Mr. Emerson, "reckon sue- cess a constitutional trait. If Eric is in robust hoaltn and has slept well, and is at the top of KM condition and 30 years old at his departure from Groenwald, he will steer west and his ship will reaqfe Newfoundland. But take Eric ana put in a stronger and bolder and tho ships will sail f00, 1,000, 1,500 miles farther and reach Labrador nnd New Euglund. There is no chan »in results." M ft'bandidate Garfield steadily grew in pop ular favor. He was met with a storm of detraction at the very hour of his nomination, and it continued with increasing voli.-.ne and motpontuui until the close of his victorious £ampai ;u. No might nor greatness in mortal ity c*n consul« escape, bpck-wotmding calumny the whitest virtue strikes. What King so strong can tie the gall up in the slanderous tongne? Under it all he was calm, aud strong, and confident, never lost his self-possession, did no unwise act, spoke no hasty or ill con sidered word. Indeed, nothing in his whole life is more remarkable or more creditable than his bearing through those five full months of vitu peration--a prolonged agony of trial to a sen sitive man, a constant and cruel draft upon the powers of moral endurance. The great mass of these unjust imputations passed un noticed, and, with the general debris ef the campaign, fell into oblivion. But in a few in stances the iron entered his soul, and he died with tbe injury uuforgotten, if not unfor- given. On© aspect of Garfield's candidacy was unprecedented. Never before in the his tory of partisan contests in this country had a on passing events aud current issues. To at tempt. anything of the kind seemed novel, rash and even desperate. The older class of voters recalled the unfortunate Alabama letter in which Mr. Clay was supposed to have signed his political death-warrant. They remembered also the hot tempered, effusion by which Gen. Scott lost a large share of his popu larity before his nomination, and the unfortun ate speeches which rapidly consumed the remainder. The younger Jtoter* had seen Mr. Greeley in a seriiw M vWoroUs and original addresses ptooarimr the pfcthnay for his own defeat. Unmindful of these warnings, un heeding the advice of friends, Gariieid S|x>ke to large crowds, ae he journeyed to and from New York in August, to a great multitude in that city, to delegations aud deputations of every kind that called at Mentor during the summer and autumn. With innumerable critics watch ful and eager to catch a phrase that might be turned into odium or ridicule, or a sentence that might be distorted to his own or his party s injury, Garfield did not trip or halt in any one of his seventy speeches. This seems all the more remarkable when it is remembered that be did not write what he said, and yet spoke with such logical consecutiveness of thought and such admirable decision of phrase as to defy the accident of misr p^rt and the malig nity of misrepresentation. In the beginning of his Presidential life Gar field's experience did not yield him pleasure or satisfaction. The duties that eueross so large a portion or the President's time were distaste ful to him, and were unfavorably contrasted with his legislative work. 1 \ " I have been dealing all these years with ideas," he impatieutly exclaimed one day, " and here I'm dealing only with persons. I have been heretofore treating of tbe funda mental principles of Government, aud here I am considering all day whether A or B shall be appointed to this or that office." He was earnestly seeking some practical way of correcting the evils arising troui the dis tribution of overgrown and unwieldy patron age--evMs always appreciated and often dis cussed by hiin, but whose magnitude had been more deeply impressed upon his mind since his accession to the Presidency. Had he lived, a comprehensive improvement iu the mode of appointment and in the tenure of office would have been proposed by him, and, with the aid of Congress, no doubt, perfected. But, while many of the executive duties were not grate ful to him, he was assiduous and conscientious in their discharge. From the very outset he exhibited administrative talent of a high or der. He grasped the helm of office with the hand of a master. In this respect, indeed, he constantly surprised many who were not mort intimately "associated with him in the Government, and especially those who feared he might be lacking m the executive faculty. His disposition of business was orderly and rapid ; tiis power of analysis and his skill in classification enabled him to dispatch a vast mass of detail with singular promptness and ease; his Cabinet meetings were admirably con ducted ; his clear presentation of official sub jects, his well-considered suggestions of topics on which discussion was invited, his quick deci sion when ali had been heard, combined to show, a thoroughness of mental training as rare t his natural ability and his facile adaptation to a new and enlarged field of lanor. With perfect comprehension of all the inherit ances of the war, with a cool calculation of the obstacles in the way, impelled always by a gen erous enthusiasm, Garfield -conceived that much might be done by his administration toward restoring harmony between the differ ent sections of the Union. He was anxious to go South and speak to the people. As early as April 'he -iTaid ineffectually endeavored to ar- •raage for a trip to Nashville, whither he had been cordially invited, and he was again di-ap pointed s few weeks after to find he could not go to South Carolina to attend the centimuial coninsemoratiou of the victory of Cowpcus; but for the autumn, he definitely counted 011 fceilig present at three memorable assemblies in the South--the celebration at Yorktown, the opening of the Cotton Exposition at Atlanta, and the meeting of the Army of the Cumber land at CnattanooKa. He was already turning over in his mind his address for each occasion, and the three taken together, he said to a friend, gave him the esact scope aud verge he needed.- At Yorktown he would have Ifeforo him tbe associations of a hundred years Halt bound the South and the North in the sacred memory of a common darger and a com mon vietorv; at Atlanta he would present the material interests and the industrial develop ment which appealed to the thrift and inde pendence of every household, and which Should umte the two sections by the instinct of self- interest and self-defence. At Chattanooga, he would revive memories of the war only to shgw that, after all its disasters and all its sufferings, the country was stronger and greater, the Union rendered indissoluble, and the future, through the agony and blood of om genera tion. made brighter and better for all. Gar field's ambition for the success of his adminis tration was high. With strong caution aud conservatism iti his nature, he was in 110 dan ger of attempting rash experiments or of re sorting to the empiricism of statesmanship ; I ut hu believed, that renewed and closer at- t« nton should be given to questious nffnetiqg fha materiel , .fcjwwais and •fea'mk. commercial prosperity of 50,000,000 of people. He believed that oar continental rela- pcoa. wstenuve and undeveloped as they are, liwotvea responsibility, aud could be cultivated in profitable friendship, or be abandoned t® harmful indifference or lasting etwniiy. He be- heved with equal confidence that an --««»«»» forerunner to a new era of national progress mnst be a feeling of contentment in every sec tion of the Unio~. ^srwaral belief that the benefits and burdens of government wonld be common to all. Himself a conspicuous illus tration of what ability and ambition mav do under republican institutions, he loved his country with a passion of patriotic devotion, and every waking thought was given to her ad vancement. He was an American in all his as pirations, and be looked to the destiny and in fluence of the United States with the philo sophical composure of Jefferson and the aem- onstrativo confidence of John Adams. The political events which disturbed the Pres ident's serenity for many weeks before that fateful day in July form an important chapter in his career, and in his own jndgment iuvolved matters of principle and of right which are vi tally essential to the constitutional administra tion of the Federal Government. It would be out of plaoe here and now to speak the language of controversy, but the events referred to, however they may continue to be the sonroe of contention with others, have bmome, so far as O&rield is concerned, as much a matter of history as his heroism at Chickamanga or his illustrious service in the House. Detail is not needed, full and personal. Antagonism shall not be rekindled by any word uttered to-day. ThQ motives of those opposing him are not to be here adversely interpreted nor their course harshly characterized, hut of the dead President this is to be said, and said beoause his own speech it forever silenced, and he ean be no more heard except through the fidelity and the lov-j of surviving friends. From the beginning to the end of the controversy he so much de plored the President was never for ono mo ment actuated by motive® of gain to himself or loss to olhera. Least of all did he harbor revenge; rarely did he ever show resentment; and malice Was hot in his nature. He was congenially employed onlv in the exchange of good offices and the doing of kiudly deeds. There was not an hour from tho begiiinirg of the trouble until the fatal shot entered his body when the President would not gladly, for the sake of restoring harmony, have retraced any step be had taken, if such retracing had toerelv involved consequences personal to him self, "The pride of consistency, or any sup posed sense of humiliation that might result from surrendering his position, had not a feather's Wight with him. No man was IPRS subject to such influences from within .or with out ; but after mo6t anxious deliberation tind the coolest survey of all circumstances he sol emnly believed thnt the trite prerogatives of the Executive were involved in the issue which had been raised, find that he would be urn aith- ful to his supreme obligation if he fwlod to maintain in all their vigor tho constitutional rights and dignities of tho great office. He be lieved this in all the convictions of oonscienes, when in souud and vigorous health, and he be lieved It in his suffering and prostration, in the last conscious thought which his wearied mind bestowed on transitory struggles of life. More than this need not be said; less than this Could not he said. " Justice to the/dead, the highest obligation that devolves upon the living, demands the dec laration that in #11 the bearings of the subject, aotual or possible, the President was content in his miud, justified in his conscience, immovable in his conclusions. The religious dement hi Garfield's chaitoter was deep and earnest. In his youth he es poused the faith of the Disciples, a sect of that great Baptist communion which, in different ecclesiastical establishments, is so numerous and so influential through all parts of the United States ; but the broadening tendenev of his mind and his active spirit of inqn iry were early apparent, and carried him beyond the dogmas of sect aud the restraints of association. In selecting a college in which to continue his edu cation, lie rejected Bethany, though presided over by Alexander Campbell, the greatest preacher of his church. His reasons were char- acteristical: First, that Bethany leaned too heavily toward slavery ; and, second, th?it, be ing himself a Disciple and the sou of Disciple of other beliefs, end he thought it would make him more liberal, quoting his own words, both in his religiousr and general views, to go into a new circle and be under new influences. The liberal tendency which he anticipated as the result of wider culture waa fully realized, He was emancipated from mere sectarian telief, and with eager interest pushed his investiga tion in the direction ot modem progressive tt ought. He followed with quiskeniqg steps in the paths of exploration and speculation M fearlessly trodden by Darwm, by Huxley, by Tyndail and by other living scientists ot the radical and advanced type. His own church binding its disciples by no formulated creed, but accepting the Old and New Testament as the word of God, with unbiased liberty of private interpretation, favored if it did not stimulate the spirit of investigation. Its mem bers profess with sincerity, and profess only to be of one mind aud one faith with those who followed the Master and who were first called Christians at Autioch. But however high Gar field reasoned of "fixed fate, free will, fore knowledge absolute," he was never sep arated from the Church of the Disciples in his affections and in his associa tions. For him it held the Ark of the Covenant; to him was the gate of heaven The world of religious belief is full of solecisms and contra dictions. A philosophic observer declares that men by the thousand will die in defense of a creed" whose doctrines they do not compre hend, aud whose tenets they habitually violate. It is equally true that men by the thousands will cling to church organizations with instinct ive and uudying fidelity when their belief in mature years is radically different from that which inspires them a-i neophytes. But after this range of speculation and this latitude of doubt, Garfield came back always with freshuess and delight to simpler instinets of religious faith which, earliest implanted, longest survive. Not many weeks before his assassination, walking on the bauks of the Potomac with a friend, and conversing on these topics of personal re ligion, concerning which noble natures have an unconquerable reserve, he said that he foutid the Lord's prayer and the simple peti tions learned in infancy infinitely restful to him, not merely in their stated repetition, but in their casual and frequent recall as he went about the daily duties of life. Certain testa of Scripture had a very strong bold on hie mem ory and heart. He heard, while in Edinburgh some years ago, an eminent Scotch preacher who prefaced his sermon with reading the eighth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, which book had been the subject of careful study with Gartield during all his religious life. He was greatlv impressed by the elocution of the preacher, and declared that it had im parted a new and deeper meaning to the majestic utterances of St. Paul. H© referred often in after years to that memoi»ble service, and dwelt with exaltation of feel- imr upon the radiant promise and the awured hope with which the great apostle of tbe Gentiles was per suaded that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature Bhall be able to separate us from the love of God which is in Christ Jesus our Lord. The crowning char acteristic of Gen. Garfield's religious opinions, as indeed all hw opinions, m his liberality. In all things lie had chanty. Tolerance was of bis nature. He respected in others the quali ties he poMoe«ed himself; sincerity of convic tion aud lrankness of expression. With him the inquiry was not as to what a ihan believes, but does he believe it ? The lines of his friend ship aud his confidence incircled men in evtrjf creed, and to the end of his life on his ever- leiiKtheniug list of friends were to be fouud the names of a i-ious Catholic priest aud of an houest-miuded and generous ' aud free thinker. On the morning of Sat urday. Juiy 2, the President was a contented and happy man, not in en ordi nary degree, but joyfully, almost boyishly, hap py. "On his way to tlie railroad station, to which he drove slowly, in conscious enjoyment of the beautiful morning, with an unwonted sense of leisure aud a keen anticipation of pleasure, his talk was all iu the grateful aud cMtulsitory vein. IIo felt that, after four months of trial, his administratis® strong lft his (;niap of btfairs, strong m popular favor, and destined to gro«v stronger, that grave diffi culties confronting him at his inauguration had been safeiy pas'^ed. That trouble lay behind him and not before him. That he was soon to meet the wife whom he loved, now recovering from an illness which had but lately d^squ^uted and at tim-s almost unnerved bim; that ho was going to bis alma mater to renew the most cherished asseciations of his young mnuhood, and to exchange greetings With those whose deepening interest had followed every step of his upward progress from the day he entered upon his college course until he had attained tfce loftiest position iu the gift o' his countrya.'.u. Surely, if happiness can ever come frtm the honors or triumphs of this world, on that quiet July morning James A. Garfield may welt have been a happy man. No foreboding of evil haunted him, not the slightest premonition of danger clouded his sky ; his terrible fate was upon him in sn in stant. One moment he stood erect, strong, eonfident on the jean stretching peace fully oat before him. The next he Hf. wounded, bleeding, helpless, doomed to weary \ weeks of torture, to silence and the grave. Great in hfe, be was sorpaartî ly great in death. For ao canse, in the very frensy of wantonness and wicked new, by the red hand of murder, be was thrust from the fall tide of this world's interest, from its hopes, its aspirations, its victories, into tbe visible prsssneu of death, and he did not quail, not alone for the one ali us I iiiniiiesrf k~ UML sad flanml bs could give up hfe, hardly aware 01 iu rminqautn- ment, but through days of deadly bu^guor, through weeks of agony that was not less agony because silently borne. With clear sight and calm courage, he looked into his open grave. What blight and ruin met his anguished eves! Whoso lips may tell what brilliant broken plans, what baffled high ttinhi- tions, wbat sundering of strong, warm, manhood friendships, wins oitter rending of sweet household ties! Behind him a proud, expect ant nation, a gnat host of sustaining friends, a eberiahed and happy mother, wearing the fall, rich honors of her early toil and tears; the wife of his youth, whose whole life lay in his; the little boys not yet emerged from childhood's day of frolic; the fair young daughter, the sturdy sons just springing into closest companionship, claiming every day and every day rewarding a father's love and care, and in his heart the eager rejoicing power to meet all demands! Before hiin desolation and great darkness, and his soul was not shaken. His countrymen were thrilled with an instant, profound and universal sympathy. Masterful in his mortal weakness, tie became the center of a nation's love, enshrined in the prayers of a, world, but all the love and all the sympathy could not share with him Ms suffering. He trod the winepress alone. With unfaltering front he faced death. With unfailing tenderness he took leave of If®. Above the demoniac hiss of the asaarin's bul let he heard the voioe of God. With simple re signation he bowed to tbe Divine dectm As the end dre w near his early oraviag for the sea returned. The stately mansion of power had been to him tho waarjr hospital of pun, knd he begged to 5?e to&en from its prison' walls, from its oppressive, stifling air, from itshomo- lessness and its hopelessness. Gently, silently, the k»v« of a, gn»t people bare the pale sufferer to the longed-forhealingof the sea, to live or to die as God should wilLWithin sfcht of its heaving billows, within sfund of its manifold voice*, with wan, fevered face tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze, he looked nut wistfully upon the ocean's changing won ders, on its far sails whitening in the morning light, on its restless waves rolling shoreward to hrsak and die beneath the noondty RIII, on the red clouds of evening reaching low to the horizon, on the serene and shining pathway of the Stars-' Lot us think that his dying eye* feed femystic meaning which only the'rapt and parting soul may know. Let us believ> that in the silence of the receding world he heard, the gpeet wave breaking ot\ a farther shore, and telt already npon his wasted brow the breath of the eternal morning. MSLISH'S (ITERV1EV. ttiw'̂ adlaai tfai Lsst A Nnn- t*cfc-Selfi«h TnskWr' W Hsa- »' Mtarlckw--'TIm BMWirste MSMI five Tlwr« More Money Hun They Neeilcd-Jay Mould Contributed ' HIO.OOO to Iks Democratic CWftap- tIon Fund. ;» (Now Xork'Bor. OUcsgo Tribuac.] ul have read the interview with Mr. William H. English, of Indiana, pub lished a few days ago in the Cincinnati Enquirer, professing to give the real reasons of the Democratic defeat in his State at the eleotion* in 1880. He ex plains why a ooalition waa not formed with the Greenbackers to re-elect the Rev. De La Matyr, fiatist, to Congress, and lays the balk of the blame of defeat on Hendricks for influencing a majority bf the Democratic judge# til the bu- prwW* Court w Ove~hrO«? the =i»5»d- iftenta whioh the people had made to the State constitution, in order to keep In diana as an October State, and thereby make himself nu indispensable candidate for President at the Cincinnati 'Demo cratic Convention, as the only man who could carry it. Let me quote a little from his " lick" at Hendricks, who in fluenced the court to decide as it did: "I was never oontident of success after the decision of the Democratic Supreme Court overthrowing the amend ments to the State constitution, the effect of which, among other things, was to bring on the State election in October, instead of deferriugit until the time of holding tlie Presidential elec tion in November. This unfortunate decision was made a short time before tlie Cincinnati Convention ; but a mo tion for a rehearing had been entered, and sixty days given for its consider ation. So there was ample time, if a reversal could have been secured, to have avoided the October election, and the injurious effect of the ori ginal de cision, which, it will beremmebered, had been made by a vote' of three Judges against two, and the tenure oi one of the three had but a few months to run. " I had a hope that one of the three Judges could be induced to resigu, or that in some legitimate way the decision could be reversed ou the rehearing. The party was committed to the decision; it was affirmed ou rehearing ; and thus the Democrats of Indiana were forced to fight a preliminary but decisive battle in October with what was in effect the whole Republican party of the United States. 1 " it was risking aU on an uncertain battle, which ought not to have been fought at ail. If our State election had been on the same day as the President ial election. Republican men and money of other States would liave been needed at home, and would have been kept at home, and not seut into Indiana to carry the October election, as they did do from the very necessities of the case." Alter thus putting the knife into Hendricks, Billy gets down to the ques tion of waya and means, so important from the politician's standpoint. He admits that his party "bar'l," which was rolled about the State where it would do the most good, was a big one--bigger live times tnauit need to be--a hogshead ui fact, filled with cash, from which needy and greedy Democrats coald draw their till. This is what he says ou the subject of finances. The interviewer asked: ' V •»- '•* " But, lfr. Eagiisfc*ihow mm it on the subject of money f E.--" Well, sir, the misrepresentation upon that subject has been even greater. More money was used by the Democrat* in the Indiana campaign of 1880 thun was used in any previous canvass. More wa« used by the National Commit tee, more by the State Committee, more by the Democratic candidate for Gov ernor, and more by the party generally." The money used on the day of election and a few days before came from abroad, almost entirely through the National "The Democrats wete forced to am* 41M octtoetttnied effort and raniwf rf ltin jhole Republican party ol the Uaited Buff* in tbe uvue and BIBIMMBW figSfa Oatober; they had toSSSS the uaited infinenoe and eieetiofk* «•»» chineiy of the Federal Government; they hat to encounter the opposition ci great mtenfaetories, railroads, banks and moneyed corporations ; and had to contend wifV an enormous corruption fund drawn from these nourc8a,r and from th#plunder ef sWroute and other treasury thieves. «Ehig would seem'to be enough, but in *iVtiHrm the oountry was just then comparjfttreiy prosperous under Republican rnk^d » ghfeat many workmen and others who weie reasonably well (eapeenJly those in manufacturing districts) m vagne fear that a change might notttr thrir interests, and so voted the ^pUtkcan ticket under the idea that it let well enough alone. TTrsrtil* 1 was constantly flooded by an enor^ow issue of able and aealotm "Republieaa newspapers from Chicago, and elsewhere, and there were not^ea- ocratic papers enough to eoontfeaefc their influence, and some did Hot try." . Such is a imnfnary of English's iknae oolumns of reasons to account (ot the two defeats of his party--October £nd November--in ludiana. It will be (keen that he admits that the Democratic pitrty ' managers were famished with abund ance 01 corruption funds," He fays they had five times more money tina they needed. He intimate? that rail roads and moneyed corporations sub scribed to iiw Kepnttlican fvufe ftwt he is careful to tell nothing «bwt railroad subscriptions to the huge pemoaratte corruption fund. Mr. lilngli^i withholds the interesting piece of ladohnatlbn that Jay Gould, the boss miliwfftion'TpoIfst, gave $10,01*0 to ttie " oomiption fund" to carry Indiana for Haneeek. jfroEr readers may ask, Hpw de-I kmw^hak to be so? "Well, I herewith sona voU a copy of a plain narrative of therafcte, ob tained from a gwitleftfttn whoiws*$fci»- ent at the interview -between Jay Goald and Gen. Hancock, and who auti*0^991 its publication,- aUhoegh I am nut at liberty to make public kiis name at tfea- eht. Hie statement is as follows : * "The New Yotfk beitf™ the leading Democfatk* "paper, its editor, Mr. Hurlbut, was in ^orsIjisiI eomismai- oation with the Democratic nominee, Gen. Haucock. It w^s UQt un£il quite late iff the canvass of 1S>0 that' Xfr. Gould appeared to ffive ftriy internal £n the Democratic* slidtf of flirts question. Just prior to the October election Mr. Hurlbut told Gen. Haaeook thai Mr. Gould desired to have %n interview witn him 111 reference to the cahvAs* and with a view to furthering the interests of the Den)ocratic candidate. .TbB interview was held at Governor's lalaati in t^e evening, and occupied several Ju>ui[s?-- Mr. Gould coins: over for that purpose with Mr, Hurlbut, The ftuhj** of the probable result in Indiana waft especially under consideration; said ttie result of the conference was that Mr. Gould pro posed to send money to Indian to* the purpose, u neceesary, of influencing the result there in favor of the Democratic candidate, Mr. Hurlbut agWtrfUlbgo to Indianapolis in p9»eu> •aadsrf^hftthe money with him. Tlie sum whie^ JMr. Gould was willing to nse tor thai pur- 1-0-- sbsnt S10.000. Mrf' Halibut did go to Indiana just a dly or two' be- fore the election, and was there during the election. The result, of course is well known to have been unfavorable to tlie Democratic side; but whether .Mr. Hurlbut used the money in the canvM* is not known." This is where a part of the Demo cratic campaign funds come from. Mr. English was Chairman of the Indiana Democratic Campaign Committee, and undoubtedly had Gould's $10,000 paid into his hands, deposited it in his own bank and disbursed it in a way that he thought would contribute most toward the election of Hancook and English. Probably it was delicacy oa his part that prevented him from makiug pub lic this donation to the Democratic "corruption fund;" and he mav faei grateful to me for doing it for him. * ' The New York World, it will be borne in mind, is Mr. Gould's personal property. He is the sole owner, with the possible exception of a few shares held of others; and Mr. Hurlbut is his hired editor. If the Cincinnati En quirer wishes to complete and perfect the English narrative, it will not Mi to eopy the foregoing addition to the A' An Ingenioas Swindle. A very audacious but skilltolly-tftot- trived diamond robbery took plade in Paris. A man giving his address as Col. Gaston, of the United States, wfent into a jewelry shop and selected a numbet of expensive diamond ornaments, valued in all at ^21,O K). These he put in a small leather bag, for security 111 travel ing, as he said, wnich locking he placed on the counter in full view of the Sides man. Then he took up a pencil and ap peared to be busy making soma .oalcu- lations. While ao engaged a, confeder ate entered the shop and askedlotook at some handsome shirt studs, aha while the salesman -was opening Ae^how-ftas© to take them out he managed to secure the leather bag and te slip into its place a duplicate bag. As soon as the con federate had withdraw®,, the self-styled Colonel offered a check for his purchases. The salesman said le must have cash, whereupon tbe CMontsl haadei him over the duplicate bag and left, sigriag he would soon return with thf *fUMjey, which, of. ooursej he iieglected to d^ Little Johnny's Cenundra*. w* " Mom," said litfJfe Johnny Peri winkle, addressing his nwAernsl parent, " what does * aesthetic' wean ? I heard Mis. Mobby say that yop was adia^pla of the aesthetic school." . «' J3sthetie, my Son," said lbs. Peri- ! winkle, as she'dished Mr. Periwinkle's ' red flannel shirt out of the wash-boiler, " is an extreme low of the bsantilul; the too, too utterly intense ali- butoeea of everything that is love)y. Oh !" fhe exclaimed, clasping her hmids rapturous ly, '•how supremely divine is the etWy of this noble science !" * ! ' •• Well, mom," paid Johnny, "Tve got a aesthetic conundrum ier yer. What's the difference -between this nnt I'm holdin' iu my hand aud a A No. 1 1876, and at the Same period before* the j johnny studied "ihe scienoa atj the election. i beautiful" in tbe wood-shed., ,v • " The National Committee did all m . • j. this matter auy bod v had a rig lit to ox- | HK was a man of answerable W pect. So did the State Committer, and, ' During the FraucurPrussian war h%^ras in the main, so did the eandui.ites. I j muck annoyed by the stupidity pf a could make an approximately correct ; country sub-eiitor with whom he had to statement of the amount disbursed by ! do, and he determined to play him a the Democrats in the cauvass, how it wns j trick. So, late one evening, when he distributed, and into whose bauds it?; nobody else would be handy to Erimarily went. If I did so (and I may ; keep the obtuse one from making a it becomes necessary), it would anton- blunder, he telegraphed through to hiin^ i«h a great many people, and would j •< prUf.vilU>s have taken Umbrage, show conclusively that there was no lack j rj^ filter, glad of a piece of news of money to prosecute a legitimate can;- • |l0wever late, came out with_large bills paign iu the moot vigorous and effective niaune-. My own judgment now is. that it *as largely in excess of what was neeieil, and five times m>,re thau I should recommend the Democrats to laise in auy campaign hereafter. a: and headings, "Opture of Umbrage by the Prussians." lie never bothered the contributor any more. HYDROPHOBIA I* said to be least kltOVA in the warmest climates. i, •/*•- • , .'lev ' ^ 1 v : ? # r * 1. ' .... !&,£*•: W ... 1