THE FLFPUBLICAN LEADER. Foil Text of Mr* Blaine's Setter Accepting tke Fretidebl^d Nomination. An Paper Wherein Ar» DiaraftsA frith Ifcrae ami fefoqvence. The Tariff--Foreign and Internal Oam- meroe--The Currency--Civil Serv ice--Other Topics. AtrovspjlL.|i«, J»ly If, 188*.--The 0on. John B. Henderson and otnert of the Committee etc., etc.--GENTLKMHN : In accepting the nomi nation for the Presidency tendered me by the Bepublican National Convention I bent to cx- gress a deep sense of the honor which Is con ferred and the duty which Is Imposed I vent ure to accompany the acceptance with some ob servations upon the ouef-tions involved In the contest--questions whose- settlement may affect the future of the Nation favorably or unfavor ably for a long series of years. In enumerating the Issues upon which the .Republican party appeals tor popular support the convention has been singmarly explicit did .felicitous. It has properly given the leading : position to the industrial interests of the country as affected by the tariff on Import^. OB this question the two political parties are radically in conflict. Almost the first act of the Bepublicsns, when they came into power in 1861, was the establishm »nt of the principle of protection to American labor and to Amenoaii capital. This principle the Republican party has v ever since steadily injimaJfted, wile on the other hand the I>e*i*eiat*fc Barty,lii Congress has for fifty ytfat pcrMstentTy wiw uptm lt. Twice within that period onr opponents have destroyed tarifts arranged for piotection, and Mince the close of tae civil war, whenever they have controlled the House of Representatives, hostile legislation has been attempted--never. more conspicuously than in their principal measure at the late session of Congress. THE TARIFF (JUESTION. Revenue laws are in their very nature subject to frequent revision in order that they may be adapted to changes and modifications of trade. "The Republican party is not contending for the permanency of any particular statute. The is sue between the two parties does not have refer ence to a si ecltic law. It is far broader and far deeper. It involves a principle of Wide applica tion and beneficent influence against a theory which we believe to be unsound in conception , and inevitably hurtful fc practioe. In the many tariff revisions which have been necessary for the last twenty-three years, •or which may hereafter become necessa ry, the Republican party has maintained and will maintain the policy of protection to American IndtUltrv. while onr opponents insist upon a revision which practically destroys that policy. The issue is thus distinct, well defined, and unavoidable. The pending election may de termine the fate ot proieciion for a generation, "he overthrow of the policy means a large and permanent reduction in the wages ot the Amer ican laborer, besides involving the loss of vast amounts of American capital invested in manu facturing enterprises. The value of the present revenue system to the people of the United States is not a matter of theory, and I shall sub- Alt no argument to sustain it. I only invite at tention to certain facts of official record which seem to const tute a demonstration. In the census of 1850 an effort was made for the first time in our history to obtain a valuation Of all the proj>erty in the United States. The attempt was in a large degree unsuccessful. Partly Irom lack of time, gttrtty from prejudice «mong many who thought tie inquiries fore shadowed a new scheme of taxation, tae returns were incomplete and unsatisfactory. Little more was done than to consolidate the local val uation used in the States for the purposes of as sessment, and that, aa every one knows, differs widely from a complete exhibit of all the prop erty. In the census of I860, however, the work was done with great thoroughness--the distinction between "assessed" value and "true" value being carefully i bserved. The grand result was that the "tru? value" of all the property in the States and Territories (excluding slaves) amounted to fourteen thousand millions of dollars ($14,000,- <X 0,000). This aggregate was the net result of the labor and tiie savings of all the people with in the area of the United States from the time the first British colonist landed in 1607 down to the year 1860. It represented the trait of the toil of '250 years. After I8t'0 the business of the country was encouraged and developed by a protective tariff. At the end of twenty years ttie total property of the United States, as returned by tl e census of 1880, amounted to the enormous aggregate of forty-four thousand millions of dollars ($t4,ooo,i>oo,o«». This great result was •trained, notwithstanding the fact that t ountless millions had in the interval been watted in the progress of a bloody war. It thus appears that %hi!« onr -population between IMSQ and 1880 in creased 60 per cent,, the aggregate property of the country increased 214 per cent., showing a "vastly enhanced wealth per capita among the people. Thirty thousand millions of dollars ($80,000,000,000) had been added during these twenty years to the permanent wealth of the Nation. These results are regarded by the older na tions of the world as phenomenal. That our country should surmount the peril and the cost of a gigantio war and for an entire period of twenty years alSiean average gain to its wealth of $125,000,000 per month surpasses the experi ence of all other nations, ancient or modern. Even the opponents of the present revenue sys tem do not pretend that in the whole history of civilization any parallel can be found to the ma terial progress of the U nited Si ates since the accession of the Republican party to power. The period between 180* and to-dav has not been one of material prosper tv onlv. At no time in tho history of the United States has there been such progress i i the moral and phil anthropic field. Religious, and charitable; in stitutions schools, seminaries, and colleges have been founded, and endowed far more gen erously than at any previous time in our his tory. Greater and mare varied relief has been extended to human suffering, find the entire progress of the country in weal h has been ac companied and dignified bv a broadening and elevation of our national character as a people. Our opponents find fault that our revenue system produces a surplus. But they should not forget that the law has given a specific pur pose to which all of the surplus is profitably and honorably applied--the reduction of the public debt and the consequent relief of the burden of taxation. No dollar has been wasted, and the only extravagance with whtoh the party stands charged is the generous pensioning of soldiers, sailors, and their families--an extrava gance which embodies the highest form of jus tice in the recognition and payment of a sacred debt. When reduction of ^'taxation ia to be made, the Benuhiiwn part* cm be trussed to accomplish it m ftwti loin fas frill moat effect ively aid *h? iadiwtAes orthe nJtion. OUH FOREIGN COMMERCE. A frequent accusation by onr opponents is that the foreign commerce of the country has Steadily decayed under the influence of the protective tariff. In this way they seek to ar ray the importing interests against the Repub lican party. It is a common and yet radical error to confound the contmetoe of the country with the carrying trade--an error often commit ted innocently, and sometimes designedly--but an error so gross that it docs not distinguish between the ship and t.he c argo. Foreign com merce represents ihe exports and imports of a country, regardless of the nationalitv of the vessel that may carry the commodi ties of exchange. Our carrying trade has from obvious causes suffered many discourage ments since lt-60, but our foreign commerce lias In the same period steadily and prodigiously increased--increased, inde d, at a rate and to ah amount which absolutely dwarf all previous de velopments of onr trade beyeatl t he s*a. Tfom 1860 to the present time the fdNhgn eommeroe of the United States (divided with ai proximate equality between exj orts and imports) reached th astounding aggregate of twenty-four thou sand millions of dollars <$-2i,00n,0tio,M00i. The balance in this vast commerce inclined in onr favor, but it would have been much iareer if our trade with the countries of America--elsewhere referred to--had been more wisely adjusted. It is difficult even to appreciate the magnitude of our export trade since i860, and we can gain a correct conception of it only by comparison •With preceding results in the same field. The total exports from the United States from the Declaration of Independence in 1^70 down to the day of Lincoln's election in 18t>0, add-d to all that had previously been exported from the American Colonies from their original settle ment, amounted to less than nine thousand millions of dollars <$;>,ooo,ooo.ooo>. On the other hand our exports from 1860 to the close of the last fiscal year exceeded twelve thousand millions of dollars ($l2,ooi.,ooo,uoo>--the whole of it being the product of American labor. Evi dently a protective tariff has not injured our export trade when, under its influence, we exported in twenty-four years 40 p<?r cent.- more than the total amount that had been exported In the entire previous his fry ot American com merce. All the details, when analyzed, corre spond with this gigantio result. The commer cial cities o the Union sever had such growth as they have enjoyed since i860. Our chief em porium, the city < f New York, with its de pendencies, has within that period doubled her population and increased her wealth fivefold. During the same period the imports and exiwrts which have entered and left her harbor are more than double in bulk and valu • the whole amount Imported and exported by her between the set tlement of the first Dutch colony on the island of Manhattan and the outbreak of the civil war in i860. AGRICULTURE AMD TARIFF. The agricultural interest is by far the largest In the nation, and is entitled in every adjust ment of revenue laws to the Srst consideration. Any policy hostile to the fullest development of agriculture in the United States must be aban doned. Reali ing this fact the opj on nts of the present system of revenue have la ored very earnestly to persuade the farmers of the United States that they are robbed by a protective tariff, and the effort is thus made to consoli date their va»t influence in favor ot tree trade. But. haprilv, the farmers of America •re ir>te".U;»nt aad cannot be misled by sophis try when oonolusive facts are before them. Taap see plainly that during the last twenty- four yean wealth has not been acquired in any one section or by anyone interest at the ex pense ot another section or another interest. They see that the agricultural Slates have made even more rapid progress than the manuiact- farmers see that in i860 Massachusetts and IWnoiB had about the same wealth--be tween $800,000,000 and $uoo,oo<v<M»ach--and that In 1880 Massachusetts ha 1 advanced to $-2,<;oo,- 000,000, while Illinois had advanced to $3 200 - 000,000. They see that New Jersey and Iowa were just equal in population in i860, and that in twenty years the wealth of New Jersey wa< Increased by the sum of te»o,ooo,ooo, while tho wealth of Iowawas increased bv the sum of $1,500,000,000. .They see that the nine lead ing agricultural Sta es of the West had grown so rapidly in prosperity that the aggregate ad dition to tbe»* wealth since i860 is almost as great as the wealth of the entire country in that year. They see that the South, which is fhnost exclusively agricultural, has shared in the general prosperity, and that, having recovered from the loss and devastation of war, it has gained so rapidly that its total wealth is at least the double ot that which it possessed in I860 txcloiivt of slaves. * In these extraordinary developments the farmers see the helpful impulse of a home market, and they see that the financial and revenue system; enacted since the Repnblican party came into power, has established and con stantly expanded the home market. They see that even in the case of wheat, which is onr chief cereal export, they have sold, in the average of the years since the close of the war, three bushels at home to one they have sold abroad, and that in the case of corn the only other cereal which wc export to anv extent. 100 bushels have been used at home to three-and-a-half bushels exported. In some years tho disparity has been so great that for every peek of corn ext orted 100 bushels have been oonsumed in the home market. The farmers see that, in the increasing competition fr0m the srsin-liAlds of Kussi*. and from the distant plains of India, the growth of the home market becomes daily ot greater concern to them and that its impairment would depreciate the value of every acre of tillable land in the Union. OUR INTERNAL COMMERCE. Such facts as these touching the growth and consumption of cer als at home give us some slight conception of the vastness of the internal commerce of the United States. They snggest also that, in addition to the advantages which the American people enjoy from protection against foreign competition, they enjoy the advantages of absolute free trade "over a larger area and with a greater population than any other nation. The internal commerce of onr thirty-sight States and nine Teriitories is car ried on without let or hindrance, without tax, detention, or governmental interference of any kind whatever. It spreads freely over an area of three and a half million square miles--almost equal in extent to the whole continent of Htirppe. Its profits are enjoyed to-day by 66,- oeo.wo of American freemen, and from this en joyment no monopoly is created. According to Alexander Hamilton, when he discussed the same subject in 17.ro, " the internal competition which takes place does awav with everything like monopoly, and by degrees reduces tho prices of articles to the minimum of a reason able profit on the capital employed." It is im possible to point to a single monopoly in the United Stati s that has been created or fostered by the industrial system which is upheld by the Republican party. Compared with our foreign commerce these domestic exchanges are inconceivably great in amount--requiring merely as one instrumental ity as large a m leage of railway as exists to-day in all the other nations of the world combined". These internal exchanges are estimated by the Statistical Hureau of the Treasury Department to be annually twenty times as great in amount as our foreign commerce. It is into this vast field of home trade--at once the creation and the heritage of the American ptople--that foreign nations are striving by every device to enter. It Is into this field that the opponents of our present revenue system would freely admit the countries of Europe--countries into whose in ternal t ade wc could not reciprocally enter; countries to which we should be surrendering every advantage of trade; from which wo should be gaining nothing in return. KCTECX UPON IHE MECHANIC AMD THE M- BORER. A policy of this kind would be disastrous to the mechanics and workingmen of the United StateB. Wages are unjustly reduced when an industrious man is not able bv his earnings to live in comfort, educate his children, and lay by a sufficient amount for the necessities of age. The reduction of wages inevitably consequent upon throw ing our home market open to the world would deprive them of the power to do this. It would prove a great calamity to our Country. It would produce a conflict between the poor and the rich, an&in the sorrowful deg radation of labor would jflant the seeds of pub lic danger. 1 • The Kepublican party has steadily aimed to maintain just relations between labor and cap ital, guarding with care the rights of each. A conuict between*he two has always led in the past and will always lead in the future to the injury of both. Labor is indispensable to the creation and profitable use of capital, and capi tal increases the efficiency and value of labor. "Whoever arrays the one against the other is an enemy of both. That policy is wisest and best which harmonizes the two on a basis of abso lute justice. The Republican party has pro tected the free labor of America so that its compensation is larger than is realized in any otner oonntry. It has guarded our people against the unfair competition of contract labor from China, and may be called upon to prohibit the growth of a similar evil from Europe. It is ob viously unfair to permit capitalists to make contracts for cheap labor in foreign countries, to the hurt and disparagement of the labor of American citizens. Such a policy (like that which would leave the time and other condi tions of home labor exclusively in the control of the employer) is injurious to all parties-- not the least so to the unhappy persons who are made tho subjects of the contract. The insti tutions of the United States rest upon the intel ligence and virtue of all the people. Suffrage is made universal as a just weajxm of self-protec tion to every citizen. It is not the interest of the republic that any economic system shonld be adopted which involves the reduction of wages to the hard standard prevailing else where. The Republican party aims to elevate and dignify labor--not to degrade it. As a substitute lor the industrial system which, under Republican administrations, has developed such extraordinary prosperity, our opponents offer a poiicy which is but a series of experiments upon our syst- m of revenue-- a policy whose end must be harm to our manu factures and greater harm to our labor. Ex periment in the industrial and financial system is the country'8 greatest dread, as stability is its greatest boon. Even the un ertainty re sulting from the recent tariff agitation in Con gress has hurtfullv affected the business of the entire country. Who can measure-the harm to our shops and our homes, to our farms and our commerce, if the uncertainty of i>erpetual tariff agitation is to be inflicted upon the country? We are in the midst of an abundant harvest: we are on the eve of a revival of gen eral prosperity. Nothing stands in our way bur the dread of a change in the industrial system which has wrought such wonders in the last twenty years, anil which, with the power ot increased' capital, will work sti.l greater marvels of prosperity in the twenty years to com*. OUR FOREIGN POI.ICT. Our foreign relations favor our domestic de velopment. We are at pease with the world-- at peace upon a sound basis, with no unsettled questions of sufficient magnitude to embarrass or distract us. Happily r move d by our geo graphical position from participation or in erest in those questions of dynasty or boundary which BO frequently disturb the P ace of Europe, we are lett to cultivate friendly rela tions with all, and are free from possible entanglements in the quarrels of any. The United States has no.canse and no desire to en gage in conflict with any power on earth, and we may rest in assured confidence that no power desires to attack the United State--. With the nations of the Western Hemisphere we should cultivate closer relations, and for our common prosperity and advancement we shonld invite them ail to join with us in an agreement that, for the future, all international troubles in North or South America shall be adjusted by impartial arbitration and not by arms. This project was part of the fixed policy of President Uariield's administration, and it should, in my judgment, ba renewed. Irs accomplishment on this continent would favorably affect the na tions beyond lh> sea, and thus power ulty con tribute at no distant day to the universal accept ance of the philanthropic and Christiau principle of arbitration. The elTcct even of suggesting It for the Spanish-American States has been most happy, and has increased the confidence of those people in our friendly disposition. It fell to my lot as Secretary of State in June, 1881, to quiet apprehension in the Republic of Mexico by giving the assurance, in an official dispatch, that "there is not the faintest desire in the United States for territorial extension south of the Rio Grande. The boundaries of the two republics have been established in conformity with the best jurisdictional interests of both. The line of demarkation is not merely conven tional. It is more. It separates a Spanish- American people front a Saxon-American peo ple. It divides one great nation from another with distinct and natural finality." We seek the conquests of peace. We desire to extend our commerce, and in an especial degree with our friends and neighbors on this conti nent. We have not improved our relations with Spanish-America as wisely and as persistently as we might have done. For more than a gen eration the sympathy of those countries has been allowed to drift away from us. We should now make every effort to gain their friendship. Our trade with them is already large. During the last vearor.r exchanges in the Western Hem isphere amounted to *b50,0 j0,im 0--n arly one- fourth of o ;r entire foreign commerce. To those who mav be disposed to underrate the value of our trade with the countries of North and South America it may be well to state that their population Is nearly or quite 50,000,000. and that, in propor tion to aggregate numbers, we import nearlv double is much from them as we do from Europe. But the result of the whole American trade is in a high degree unsatisfactory. The imports during the last year exceeded $225,- 00t ,000, while the exports were less 1 han $125,- 000,000--showing a balance against us of more than $100,000,<'«0. fiut the money does not go to Spanish America. We send large sums to Europe in coin or its equivalent to pay European manufacturers for the goods which they send to Spanish America. We are but paymasters for this enormous amount annually to European factors--an amount which is a serious draft, in every financial depression, upon our resources of specie. Cannot this condition of trade in great part be changed? Cannot tno market Cor oar products be greatly enlarged? We have made a begin ning in onr effort to improve our trade relations with Mexico, and we shonld not be content until similar and mutually advantageous arrange ments have been successively mads with every nation of North and South America. While the g^eat powers at Enrope are steadily enlarging their colonial domination In Asia and Africa, it iB the especial province of this country to im prove and expand its trade with the nations of America. No field promises so mnch. No field has been cultivated so little. Our policy should be an American policy in its broadest snd most comprehensive sense--a policy of peace, of friendship, of commercial enlargement. The name American, which belongs to us In our national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism. Citizenship of there- public must be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it. The American cltiren, rich or poor, native or naturalized, white or colored, must everywhere walk secure in his personal and civil rights. The republic should never ac cept a lesser duty, it can never assume a nobler one, than the protection of the humblest man who owes it loyalty--protection at home, and protection which shall follow him abroad into whatever land he mav go upon a lawful errand. THE SOUTHERN STATES. I recognize, not without regret, the necessity for speaking of two sections of our oommon country. Bnt the regret diminishes when I see that the elements which separated them are fast disappearing. Prejudices have yielded and are yielding, while a growing cordiality warms the Southern and the Northern heart alike. Can any one doubt that between the sections confidence and esteem are today mono marked than at any period in sixty years preceding the election of President Lincoln? This is the result in part of time and in part of Republican principles applied under the favor able conditions of uniformity. It would be a great calamity to change these influences under which Southern commonwealths are learning to vindicate civil rights, and adapting them selves to the conditions of political tianqnUlity and industrial progress. If there be occasional and violent outbreaks in the South *fralnst this peaceful progress, the pablic opinion of the country regards them as exceptional, and hope fully trusts that each will prove the Inst. The South needs capital and occupation, not controversy. As much as anv part of the Sorth the South needs the full protection of the rev enue laws which the Republican party offers. Some of the Southern States have already en tered upon a career of industrial development and prosperity. These at least should not lend their electoral votes to destroy their own future. Any effort to unite the Southern States upon issues that grow out of the memories of the war will summon the Northern States to com bine in the assertion of that nationality which was their inspiration in the civil struggle. And thus great, energies which shou d be united in s common industrial development will be wasted in hurtful strife. The Democratic party shows itself a foe to Southern prosj>erity by always in voking and urging Southern political consolida tion. Such a policy queuches the' rising Instinct of patriotism in trie heart of the Southern youth; it revives and stimulates prejudic ; it substi tutes the spirit of barbaric vengeance tor the loVe of peace, progress, and harmony. THE CIVIL SERVICE. The general character of the civil service of the United States under all administrations has been honorable. In the one supreme te^t--the collection and disbursement of revenue -the record of fidelity has never b?en surpassed in any nation. With the almost fabulous sums which were received and paid during the late war, scrupulous integrity was the prevailing rule. Indeed, throughout that trying period it can be said, to the honor of the American name, that unfaithfulness and dishonesty among civil officers were as rare as misconduct and coward ice 1 n the field of battle. The growth of the country has continnally and necessarily enlarged the civil service, until now it includes a vast body of officers. Rules and methods of appointment which prevailed when the number was smaller have been found Insufficient and impracticable, and earnest ef forts have been made to seoaiate the great mass of ministerial officers from partisan influence snd personal control. Impartiality in the mode of appointment to be based on qualifica tion, and security of tenure to be based on faith ful discharge of duty, are the two ends to be accomplished. The public business will be aided by separating the Legislative branch of the Government from all control of appoint ments, and the Executive Department will be relieved by subjecting appointments to fixed rules and thus removing them from the caprice of favoritism. But there should be rigid ob servance of the law which gives in all cases of equal competency the preference to the soldiers who risked their lives in defense of the Union. I entered Congress in 1863, and in a some what prolonged service I never found it expe dient to request or recommend the removal of a civil officer, except in four instances, and then for non-political reasons which were instantly conclusive with the appointing power. The officers in the District, appointed by Mr. Lin coln in 1861, upon the recommendation of my predecessor, served, as a rule, until death or resignation. 1 adopted at the beginning of my service the test of competitive examination for appointments to West Point , and maintained it so long as I had the right by law to nominate a cadet. In the case of many officers I found that the present law which arbitrarily limits the term of the commission offered a constant temptation to changes for mere i>olltical reasons. I have publicly expressed the belief that the es sential modification of that law would be in msny respects S&vantageous. My observation In the Department of State confirmed the conclusions of my legislative ex perience, and impressed me with the conviction that the rule of impartial appointment taight with advantage be carried beyond anv existing provision of the civil-service law. It should be applied to appointments in the Consular service. Consuls should be commercial sen tinels--encircling the globe with watchful ness for their country's interests. Their intel ligence and competency become, therefore, matters of great public concern. No man should be appointed to an American Consulate who is not well instructed in the history and resources of his own country and in the re quirements and language of commerce of the country to which he is sent. 'Ihe same rule should be applied even more rigidly to Secre taries of Legation in our diplomatic service. Ti.e people have the right to the most efficient agents In the discharge of public business, and the appointing power should regard this as the prior and ulterior consideration. THE MORMON QUESTION. Religions liberty is the right of every citizen of the republic. Congress is forbidden by the Constitution to make any law "respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." For a century, uuder this guarantee, Protestant and Catholic, Jew and Gentile, have worshiped God according to the dictates of conscience. But religious lib erty must not bs perverted to the justification of offenses against the law. A religious sect, strongly intrenched in one of the Teiritories of the Union, and spreading rapidly into four other Territories, claims th • right to destroy the great safeguard and muniment of social order, and to practice as a religious privilege that which is a crime punished with severe penalty in every State of the Union. The sacredness and unity of the family must be preserved as the foundation of all civil government, as the source of orderly administration, as the surest guarantee of moral purity. The claim of the Mormons that they are divinely authorized to practice polygamy should no more be admitted than the claim of certain heathen tribes, if they should come among us, to continue th ; rite of human sac rifice. The Vaw docs not in erfere with what a man believes; it takes cognizance only of what he does. As citisens, the Mormons are entitled to the same civil rights as others, and to these they must be confined. Polygamy can never receive national sanction or toleration by ad mitting the community that upholds it as s State in the Union. Like others, the Mormons must learn that the liberty of the individual ceases where the rights of society begin. OUR CURRENCY. The people of the United States, though often urged and tempted, have never seriously con templated the recognition of any other money than gold and silver--and currency directly convertible into tbem. They have not done so, they will not do so, under any necessity less pressing than that of desperate war. The one special requisite for the completion of our mon etary system is the living of the relative values of silver and gold. The large use of silver as the money of account among Asiatic nations, taken in connection with the increasing com merce of the world, gives the weightiest reasons for an international agreement in the premises. Our Government should not cease to urge this measure until a common standard of value shall enable the United S&ates to use sliver from its mines as an auxiliary to gold in settling the balance of commercial exchange. THE PUBLIC LANDS. The strength of the republic is increased by the multiplication cf lam.holders. Our laws shonld look to the jndicions encouragement of actual settlers on the public domain, which should henceforth be held as a sacred trust for the benefit ot those seeking homes. The tend ency to consolidate large tracts of land In the ownership of individuals or corporations should, with nrop r regard to vested rights, be discouraged. One hundred thousand acres of land in the bands of one man is far less proht- ab'e to the nation in every way than when its ownership is divided among 1,000 men. The evil of permitting large tracts of the national domain to be consolidated and controlled by the few against t'ie many is enhanced when the persons controlling it are aliens. It is but fair that the public land should bo disposed of only to actual settlers and to those who are citizens of the Republic, or willing to become so. OUB SHIPPING INTERESTS. Among our national interests one languishes --the foreign carrying trade. It was very'se riously crit pled in onr elvil war, and another blow was given 10 it in the general substitution of steam for sail in oc an traffic. With a front age on the two great oceans, with a freightage larger than that of any other nation, we have every inducement to restore onr navigation. Yet the Government has hitherto refused its help. A Bmall share of the encouragement given by the Government to railways and to manufactures, and a small share of the capital and the zeal given by our citizens to those enter prises, would l a*e carried our ships to every sea and to every port. A law just enact-d re moves some of the burdens upon our naviga tion, and inspires hope that this great interest may at last receive its dne Share of attention. All effo- ta in this direction should receive en couragement. 8ACBEDNSSS OT THE BALLOT. This survey of onr oondlU m sa a nation re minds us that m ter al prosperity is but s mockery If It does not tend to preserve the liberty of the people. A Erse ballot Is the rsfe- guard of republican lastttntioas, without which no rational welfare is assured. A popular election, honestly conducted, embodies the very majesty of true government. Ten mill- jons of voters desire to take part in the pend- Ing ccntest The safety of the republic rests V>on the integrity of the ballot, upon the se- curlty of suffrage to the citizen. To deposit a fraudulent vote is no worse a crime against j constitutional liberty than to obstruct the de posit of an honest vote. He who corrupts suf frage strikes at the very root of free govern ment. He is the arch-enemy of the republic. He forgets that in tramnitog upon the rights o* others he fatally imperjs It s own rights "It is 1--J -1-* " •• • - - - - -- sa o WW It A v a good land whteh the Lord our God doth griTe us, but wc can maintain our berifcaee only by guarding with vigilance the source of popu lar power. I am, with great respect, your obe* dient servant, JAMES G. BLAINK. The Presidency. - WIS^aHtet below a list of the fftWewSftjH and unsuccessful candidates for the Presi dency, from Washington to Garfield: The Successful The Uasuccessfal George Washinston, ( v ... Virginia, eUht years, f "° opposition. John Adams, Massa- ( Thomas Jefferson, TIf* chusetta. four years.} ginia. _ _ _ 1 John Adams before the Thomas Jefferson, Vir- ( people, Aaron Burr ginia, first term. ttefore the House of _ , _ _ Representatives. Thomas Jefferson, Vir-(Charles e. Pinckney. ginia, second term... t South Carolina. James Madison, Vir-j. Charles C. Pincknev, ginia, first term f Sonth Carolina. ' Jamce Madison. Vir-IDe Witt Clinton, New ginia, second term... ( York. James Monroe, Virgin- iBufus King, New ia,first term ) York. James Monro?. Virgin- ( VT_ ... la, second term..... ( opposition. Ifassa-) ' niseof V « ) John Q. Adams, Massa oh n setts, by House Representatives. Andrew Jackson, Win. H. Crawford, and Henry Clay before the people. Andrew Jackson, Ten- I John Q.Adams, Masaa- nessee, first term f chusetta. Andrew Jackson, Ten- > Henry Clay, Ken- nessee, second term.. 1 tnckv. Martin Van Buren, New (William H. Harrison, York William H. Harrison, Ohio James K. Polk, Tennes see Zachary Taylor, Louis- iania Franklin Pierce, New Hampshire JamesBuchanan,Penn sylvania. Abraham Lincoln, Illi nois, first term....... Abraham Linspln, Illi nois, second term.... Ulysses S. Grant, Illi nois, first term Ulysses 8. Grant, Illi nois, second term.... R. B. Hays, Ohio Buren,, Ken- Ohio. Martin Van New York. Hen-y Clay, tueky. Lewis Cass, Michi gan. Winfield Soott, Vir ginia. John C.Fremont,South Carolina. John E. Bell, Tennes see ; John C. BreckV- ridge, Kentucky; and Stephen A. Douglas, Illinois. Oeorce 11. McClellan, New Jersey. Horace Greeley, New York. Hora: to Seymour, New Yoik. Samuel J. Tilden, New York. GEN. LOG!AX'S LETTER. An Able Second to Mr. Blaine's Acceptance of the National Nomination. James A. Garfield, Ohio. | We>Sivani£00ck' Penn' Luxurious Tastes of a Deftmlter. [New York telegram.] Startling reports were circulate4 to-day regarding alleged embezzlements by confi dential persons in the employ of Arnold, Constable & Co. These reports dealt chiefly with the name of Henry C. Pedder, the confidential manager of the firm's busi ness. The firm refused to make any state ment about the alleged embezzlements, and Pedder refers inquirers to the firm. The fact became known to-day lhat Mr. Ped der, who arrived on the 14th inst. from Europe on the Servia, had transferred to the members of the firm on the next day his property at Llewellyn Park, N. J. The consideration was $1. Mr. Pedder's house is au enormous building, occupying one of the finest sites in the Park. All of the Park houses were eclipsed when Mr. Ped der erected his spacious and costly house. Standing on the mountain side, with the grounds sloping away in front of it, it com mands a view of Orange, Bloomfield, and other towns. It is saia that $75,000 was spent on the interior. The halis and rooms are finished in hardwood and decorated in accordance with expensive tastes. The whole property is valued at $200,000. Mr. Pedder began to work for Arnold, Constable & Co. at a salary of $600 a year as an entry clerk. He is now about 45 years of age, and was supposed by his neighbors to be one of the partners in the firm, so that his libeml expenditures and luxurious tastes did not excite much won der. He was a member and officer of a church. He has a wife, bnt no children of his own. The defalcation with which the manager's name is connected is variously estimated from $200,000 to $600,000. Ped der's style of living is said to have involved an expenditure of $50,000 per annum. Soft Bones. [Bamboo (Wis.) telegram.] Mrs. F. H. Hopkins was buried in this city yesterday afternoon, a large number of friends and relatives being present. Some two years ago Mrs. Hopkins fell from a hammock, and, it is thought, received inju ries from that fall that led to her death, as her health began to fail soon after, and con tinued failing until her death. No two physicians could ever agree as to the cause of her sickness. One eminent physi cian from Chicago declared that it was cancer of the stomach, and then Bright's disease. She had been taken to Hot Springs, Ark., also to Waukesha, in this State, but all to no avail, and she was brought back to Barbaroo to die. The case being so remarkable the phy sicians of this city all joined in the request to be allowed the privilege of a post-mor- tem examination, which was granted, and to their surprise they found the cause of death was fraglitar ossiurn, or fragile bones. The bones lost the organic matter contained in them, and could be crushed by the pres sure of the hand like a handful of crackers, the laigest of the bones having about tho resistance of a crust of bread. It is the first case of the kind ever brought before physicians of Barbaroo. Standard medical works make note of Euch cases, but they are very rare. Mrs. Hopkins was one of the heirs of Mark Hopkins, the California millionaire. THIS AND THAT. CALIFORNIA is dangerously short of har vest hands. LOUISIANA has about 48,000,000,000 feet of pine in her forests. Mas. KATE CHASE SPHAOCE is said to be studying painting in Paris. A quarantine hospital is to be built at Victoria, British Columbia. IN New York City last year 148 firemen were injured while on duty at fires. IK the future West Point cadets who are unable to swim will be taught how to swim. NEW YORK gamekeepers have caught a yacht fishing near Buffalo with dynamite. AT a free ice-water tank in New York, over 1,200 pounds of ice were nsed in one day. FOURTEEN foreign governments have secured space in thd New Orleans Exposi tion. THE gift of the Grand Duke Sergius to his bride was a parure of diamonds costing $100,000. THE John Milton Bible recently pur chased by the British Museum is said to have belonged to Mrs. Milton. DURING the cpast year 15,702 Germans have been sentenced for endeavoring to emigrate to avoid military service. THE number of scholars registered in the schools of England and Wales in 1883 was 4,273,000, and there was an average attend ance of 3,127,000. CHARLES KELLy, the husband of Ellen Terry, is a London actor of promineifbe, but is not well off financially. He is to have a benefit performance. IN 1880 there was mailed in the United States 1,046,000,000 letters. It is estimated that in 1884 the increase will be 20 per cent. We are a nat.on of letter-writei-s. IN the United States are over 38,000 loco motives, worth $400,000,000, for the serv ices of passengers and freight This gives some idea of the progress made in half a oentuxy. Protection Most Be Given 0or Com merce, and fkrathera Bulldozing T".i!" Xnst Be 8nppr«nd. Chit Service Reform gaffe in tlie Hands •f the RepuMicaa Party--Oar Joreiga Belattona. •••» -V , WASHDfOTO».D. C„ July 10. T Waving received from yon, on June 24, official notification of my nomination by the National Repnblican Convention, as Rupublican candidate for Vice President of the United States, and considering it to be the duty of every man devoting himself to public service to as sume any position to which ne may be called by the voice of his countrymen, 1 accent the nomi nation with grateful heart- and the deep sense of its responsibilities, and, if elected, shall endea vor to discharge* the duties of the office to the best of my ability. This honor, as is well un derstood, was wholly unsought by me, and that it was tendered by representatives of the party, in a manner so flattering, will serve to lighten whatever labors I may be called upon to perform. Although the variety of subjects covered in the verv excellent vigorous declaration of principles adopted bv the late convention prohibits, upon an occasion calline for brevity, cxereswion of that full elaboration of which they are susceptible, I avail mvuelf of the party usaae to signify my approval of the various resolutions of the plat form, and to discuss them brief!v. PROTECTION TO AMERICAN LABOR. The resolution of the platform declaring for the levy of such duties "as to afford security to our diversified industries and protection to the rights a:ifi wages of the laborer to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital, may have its just award, and the laboring man his full share in the national i>rosj>erity." meets my hearty approval. If there he a Nation on the face of the earth which might, if it were a de sirable thing, build a wall uj on its every boun dary line, deny communication to all the world, and proceed to live upon its own resources and productions, that nation is the I'nitetl States. There is hardly a legitimate necessity of the civilized communities which cannot be pro duced from the extraordinary resources of our several States and Territories, with their manu factories. mines, farms, timber-lands, and water ways. This circumstance, taken in con nection with the fact that our form of govern ment is entirely unique among the nations of the world, makes it utterly absurd to institute comparisons l>et\veen our own economic systems and those of other governments, and especially to attempt to borrow systems from them. We stand alone in our circumstances, our forces, our possibilities, ;ind our aspirations. In all suc cessful governments it, is the prime requisite that capital and labor should bo upon the best of terms, and that bolh should enjoy the high est attainable prosperity. If there "be a disturb ance of a just balancc ltetween them, one or the other suffers, and dissatisfaction follows, which is harm-til to both. The lessons furnished by the comparatively short history of our own na tional life have been too much overlooked by onr people. The fundamental article in the old Demociatic creed proclaimed almost absolute free trade, and this, too, no more than a quarter Of a century aso. Tho low condi ion of our na tional credit, the financial and business uncer tainties, and the general lack of prosperity under that system can l>e remembered by every man now in middle lite. Although in a gr?at number of the reforms instituted by the Republican party sufficient credit has not been publicly awarded to that of the tariff reform, its benefits have nevertheless been felt throughout the land. The principle underlying this measure has been in process of gradual development by the liepublican party during a comparatively brief period ot its power, and to-day a p trtion of its antiquated Demo cratic opponents make unwilling concession to the correctnrss of the document, an equitably adjusted protective tariff, by following slowly in its footsteps, though a very long way in "the rear. The principle involved la one of no great obscurity, and can 1h> readily comprehended by any intelligent person calmly reflecting upon i". The political and social systems of some of our trade-competing nations have created working classes miserable in the ex treme. They receive the merest stipend for their daily toil, and in the gr«*at expense of the necessities of life are deprived of those com forts. clothing, housing, and health-producing foot! with which wholesome mental and social recreation can alone make existence happy and desirable. Now, if the products of thos>T coun tries are to be placed in our markets, alongside American products, either the American capi talist must suffer in his legitimate profits, or he must make the American laborer suf fer, in the attempt to compete with the species of labor above re I erred to. In case of a sub stantial reduction of pay, there can be no com pensating advantages for the American laborer, because the articles of dally consumption which pe uses, with the exception of articles not pro duced in the (.'nited States, and easy of being specially provided for, as coffee and tea, hre crown in our own country, and would not be affected in price by tlie lowering of dntles. Therefore, while he would receive less for his labor, his cost of livlnir would not be decreased. Being prac ically placed upon the pay of the Kuro|>ean laborer, onr own'would be deprived of facilities tor educating and sustaining his fam ily respectably; he would be shorn of proper op- fcortuniiies lor self-imrr vement, and his value as a citizen be charged with a portion of the obligations. The (iovernment would l>e less ened, the moral tone ot the laboring classes would suffer, anditi time the interests of capital and the well-being of < rderly Citizens in general would be menaced, while one evil would react ujKin another, un.ll there would be a gen ral disturbance of the whole com munity. The true problem of a good and stable government, is how to Infuse psos- perity among all classes of the people, the msnufacturer, farme*-, mechanic, and laborerer alike. Such piosperity is a pieveotiveof crime, a socrrlty of capital, and a very best guarantee of j>eace and liai piness. The obvious policy of our Government is to protect l oth capital and lal)orby a prot er imposition of duties. This pro tection should extend to every article 01 Amer ican production which goes to build up the general prosperity of oar people. The national convention, m view of the srecUl dangers meunneini the wool interests of the United Sta cs, dei m it wise to adopt sei>arat^ resolutions on the subject of its protection. This industry is a very large and Important one. The neces sary legislation to sus:ain this industry upon a prosperous basis should be ex tended. No one realizes more fully than myself the great del icacy and difficulty of adjusting a tariff so nicely and equitably as to protect every home industry, sustain every class of American labor, promoie to the highest point our agricultural int an productions not in competition with our own, thus not only building ui> our foreign com merce. but taking measures to carry it in our own bottoms. Difficult as this work appears, and reallv is, it is susceptible of accomplish ment by patient and intelligent labor, and to no hands can it be committed with as great as surance of success as to those of the Republican party. OUR MOJTETABY SYSTEM. The Repnblican |>arty is the indisputable author of the iinancial and monetary system which, it is safe to say, has never before been equaled by that of any other nation. Under the operation of onr system of finance, the country was safely carried through an extended and ex pensive war with national credit, which has risen higher and higher with each succeeding year until now the credit of the United States is surpassed by that of no other nation, while upon, and we shonld cultivate hetanen them and ourselves closer commercial relations, which will bind all together by ties of friendly Intercourse aAd mutual advantage. Farther than this, being small commonwealths. In the military and naval sense of European powers, they look to ns as at least a moral defender against the system of territorial and other en croachments, which, aggressive in the past, has not been abandoned at this dav. Diplomacy sad intrigue have dons mnch mora to wrest the commerce of Spanish America from the United States than has legitimate commercial competi tion. Politically we should be bound to the re publics of our continent by the closest ties; and communication by ships and railroads shonld be encouraged to the fullest extent consistent with a wise and conservative public policy. Above all, we shonld be upon auch terms of friendship as to pre clude the possibility of national mis understandings 'between ourselves and any members of the American republican family. The best method to promote uninterrupted peace between one and all would lie in a meet ing of a general conference or oonness, where by an agreement to submit all International dif ferences to the peaceful decision of friendly arbitration might be reached. An agreement of this kind would irlve to onr sister republics con fidence in each other aad in us. Closer commu nication would at once ensue, reciprocally ad vantageous commercial treaties might be made whereby much of the commerce which now flows across the Atlantic would seek its legitimate channels, and inure to the greater prosperity of all the American commonwealths. The fnll ad vantages of a policy of this nature could not be stated in a brief discussion like the present. FOREIGN POLITICAL RELATIONS. The United States has grown to be a Govern ment representing more than 60,000,000 people, and in every sense, exoepting toat of a mere naval power, is one of the first nations of the world. As such its citizenship should be valua ble. entitling its possessor to protection in every quarter of the globe. I do not consider It neces sary that our Government should construct enormous fleets of improved Jron-elad* and maintain a commensurate body of seamen in order to place ourselves on a war footing with the military and naval powers of Europe. Such a course would not be compatible with the peaceful policy of our conntty, thongh It seems absurd that we have not effective means to repel wanton invasion of onr coast and give protection to our coast towns and cities against any power. The great moral force of our country is so universally recog nized as to render an appeal to arms bv ns, cither in the protection of our citisens abroad or in recognition of any just international right, quite improbable. What we most need in this direction is a firm and vigorous assertion of every right and privilege belonging to our Gov ernment or its citizens, as well as an equally flrm assertion of the rights and privileges be longing to the general family of American re publics situated upon this continent, when op posed--if ever tli^y should be--by different sys tems of government upon another contin nt. An appeal to right by such a Government as ours could not be disregarded by any civilized nation. In the treaty of Washington we led the world to the means of escape from the hor rors of civil war, and it is to be hoped the era when all international differences shall be de cided by peaceful arbitration is not far off. EQUAL RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP. The central ideas of a republican form of government is the rule of the whole people as opposed to other forms whl.'h rest upon the privileged class. Our forefathers, in the at tempt to erect a new government, which might represent the advanced thought of the world at that period upon the subject ot governmental' reform, adopted the idea of the peop e's sov ereignty, and thus laid the basis of our present Republic. Whil•; technically it w s a govern ment of the people, it was in strictness only a government of a portion of the people, exclud ing from all participation a certain other por tion, held in a condition of absolute, despotic, and hopeless servitude, ths parallel to which, fortunately, does not now exist in sny modern Christian nation? With the culmination, however, of another cycle of advanced thought, the American Re public suddenly assumed the fnll character of a government of the whole people, and 4.0 0,000 human c eatures emerged from the condition of bondsmen to the full status of freemen, theoret ically invested with the same civil and political rights possessed by their former masters. The subsequent legislation, which guaranteed, by every legal title, citizenship and full equality before the law In all respects for this pre viously disfranchised people, amply covers the requirements ami secures to them, so far as legislation can, the privileges of American citizenship. Bnt a disagreeable fact in the case is that while, theoretical y, we are in enjoy ment of a gorernment of the whole people, practically we are almost as far from It as we were in the ante-bellum days of the re public. There are but a few leading and Indis putable facts which cover the whole statement in the ease. In many of the Southern States the colored population is in large excess of the white. The colored people are Republicans, as are also a considerable portion of the white peor le. The remaining portion of the latter are Democrats. In face of this incontestable truth, thsse States invariably return Democratic ma jorities. lu other States ot the South the col ored people, although not a majority, form a very considerable body of the population, and, with the white Republicans, are numerically in excess of the Democrats, yet precisely tbe same political result obtains, the Demo cratic party invariably carrying the election. It is not even thought advisable to allow an occa sional or unimportant e'eoMoa to he earrisd by the Republicans as a "blind," or as a stroke of finesse. A careful and impartial investigation has shown these results to follow systematic exercise of physical intlmidati n and violence, conjoined with the most shamefnt devices ever Sracttced in th* name of free elections. So con rmed has this re-ult b- come that we are brought face to face with the est aordlnary po litical fac t that the Democrat e party of the South relies almost entirely upon the methods stated for success in national elections. This unlawful iterversion of the popular fran chise, which I desire to state dispassionately and in a manner comporting with tho proper dignity of the occasion, is one of deep gravity to the American people in a double sense: 1. It is in violation--open, d r?cf, and flagrant--of tho primarv principle upon which our Government is supposed to rest, viz.: That cont'd of the government is participated in by all legally qualified citizens, in accordance with the plan of popular government; and that majorities must rule in the decision of all questions. Second, it is in violation of the rights and interests of the States wherein or" particularly centered the great wealth and industries of the nation, and which pay an over whelming proportion of the national taxes. The immense aggregation of iuteiests embraced within, and the enormously greater populatlon of these other States of the Union are subjected every four yeats to the dangers of a wholly fraudulent show of numerical strength. Under this system minorities act-.iallv attempt to direct the course of national affairs; and though up to this time success has not attended their efforts to elect a I'resident. yet success has 1 cen so perilously imminent as to encour age a repetition of the effort at each quadrennial election, and subject the interests of an over whelming majority ot our people. No;th and South, to the hazards of illegal subversion. reach the highest perfection uadsrfltt hand of time and aoeonMuattiiff 4 problem is one «C fa than appears upon ths nation, and embraces how to avoid the lodgment of an immei of appointments la the hands of the MumMw; of how to give encouragement to aad jwwto emulation in the various Government employss in order that they may strive for proOdsncy, aad rest their hopes of advancement upon th* sttrl* butes of official merit, nod oon juot. and soccst- plary honesty; and how best ts wddtbenOs of creating a prtvilegeddaos la the Government service who, in imitation of Enropean paroto- . -J* «?' ?. . % * ;fW< '* <*¥ types, may grsduallv loss all pr fidency aad value In th£ belief that they poegess a Ufa call ing, only to be taken away in a esse of some flagrant abase. The thinking, earnest men of the ] party have made no mere wordy < upon this; but they have endeavored qaietly to perform that which their opponents are con stantly promising without performing. Under Republican rule the result has been tnat, with out engrafting any objectionable features of the European system upon our own, then baa been a steady and even rapid elevation ot the atvil service in all its departments, until It can now be stated, without fear of successful contra diction. that, the service is more just, more ef ficient, and purer in all its features >h*« ever before in the establishment ot onr government; and if defects still exist in our system, country can safely rely upon tbe Republican party as the most efficient instrument Mr their removal. I am in favor of the highest standard of excellence in the administration of the civil service, and will lend my best efforts to ac plish the point of greatest attainable perfe in this branch of our service. REMAINING TWIN RELIC OF BARBARISM. > The Repnblican party came Into existence in » crusade against the Democratic institutions, slavery and polvgamy. The first has been buried beneath the embers of the civil war. The party should continue its efforts until the remaining iniquity shall disappear from cor civilisation under the force of faithtully exe cuted laws. There are subjects of importance which Z would gladly touch upon did space permit. I limit myself to saying that while there should be the most rigid economy in governmental ad ministration there should be no self-defeating • parsimony, either in onr domestio or foreign service. Official dishonesty shonld be promptly and relentlessly punished. Our obligations to the defenders of our country shonld never be forgotten, and the liberal system of pensions provided by the liepublican party should not be imperiled by adverse legislation. 1 he law establishing the labor bureau, through which the interests of labor can be placed la an organized condition, I regard as a salutary measure. The eight-hour law shonld be en forced as rigidly as any other. We should tn- cr> aseonr navy toa degree enab'ingus to amply protect our coast line*, onr commerce, and to give us a force in foreign wat *rs which shall be a respectable and proper representative of a country like our own. The public lands belong to the people, aad should not be alienated from them, but reserved for free homes for all desiring to p ssess them, and finally our present Indian policy should be continued and improved upon as onr experieaoa in its administration shall from time to time snggest. 1 have the honor to subscribe myself, sir, your obedient servant. Joss A. LOGAK. To the Hon. John B. Henderson, Chairman at Committee. ' .'V y , j 4^ : -4'- • v TERRIBLE DEVASTATION. Immense Damage to Properly In k«U and Minnesota by a Hurricane. The stereotyped argument in refutation of theso __ ___ . -- | plain truths is that if the Republican element tercsts, and at the same time to give to one 1 was really in the majority they could not be de- d all the acharitages pertaining to foreign prlved of their rights and privileges by a mi nority; but neither the statistics, the iwpula- tlon. nor the unavoidable logic of the situation can be overridden. The colored people of the Honth have recently emerged from the bondage of their present political oppressors; they have had bnt few advantages of education which might enable them to compete with the whites. As I have heretofore main tained. in order to achieve the ideal perfection of popular government It is absolute ly necessary that the mass s should be educa ted. This projKtsition applies itself with full fore? to the colored people of the South. Thev nil t have belter educational advantages, and thus be enabled to become the Intellectual peers of their white brethren, as many of them un doubtedly already are. A liberal school system should be provided for the rising generation of the South, and the colored people be made as capable ot exercising the duties of electors as its ^curitics, at a constantly increa-dug pre- j the white iieopie. mium, are eagerly sought after by investors in all parts of the world. Our system of enrrenoy is most admirabie in construction. While ail the conveniences of bill circulation attach to it, every dollar in paper represents a dollar of the world's money standards, an das long ts the just and wise polii y of the Republican party is con tinue i there can be no impairment of toe na tional credit. Therefore, under the present laws relating thereto, it will be impossible lor any man to lose a pciny in the l*>nds or bills of the United Siatcs, or in the bills of the national banks. The advantage of having a bank note in In the meantime It is the duty of the National Government to go beyond the resolutions and declarations on the subject, and to take such action as may lie in its power to secure absolute freedom at the national elections everywhere, to the end that our Congress may cease to c ntain members representing fl.-titious majorities of their people, thus mis lirecting the popular will concerning na iotial legislation, and especially to the end that in Presidential contests the great business and other interests of the coun try may not lie placed In tear and trembling lest an unscrupulous miuority should succeed In the house which will be as good in the morning 1 stifling the wishes of the majority. In accord- as it was tbe night before should be appreciated by all. The convertibility of ttie currency should be maintained Intact, and the establish ment of an international standard among all commercial nations, fixing the relative values of gold a d silver coinage, would be a measure of peculiar advantage. INTERSTATE AND FOREIGN COMMERCE. The subjtx ts embraced in the resolutions re spectively looking to the promotion of onr inter state and fr reign commerce, and to the matter of our foreign relations, are fraught with great importance to our people. In respect to inter state commerce there is mnch to be desired in the way of equitable rates and its facilities of transportation, t bat commerce may flow fjeely to the States themselves, diveistyof industries and employment be promoted in all sections of onr country, and that the great granaries and manufacturing establishments of the interior may be enabled to s* ml th- ir products to the seaboard for shipment to foreign countries, re lieved 01 vexatious restrictions and discrimina tions in matters of whi h jt may emphatically be said, "Time is mon* y," and also of unjust char, es upon artU les dest ned to meet close com- etition from the products of o.her parts of the world. As to our foreign commerce, the enormous growth of our industries, and our surprising production of cereals and o.her necessities of life, imperatively require that imzn di&te and eflective means may be taken through peav ful, orderly, and conscvative methods to open mar kets whi h have been and a e 1 ow monopolized 1-rgelv by other nations. This more particular ly relates to our sit-tpr republics of Spanish Ameri a, as also to onr friends the people of the Brazilian Empi c. Ihe republics of 8paa sh America are allied to us by the ve-y closest and warmest fee ings, based upon similar ty of insti tutions and government, common aspi ations, and mutual hopes, 'ihe "Great Reptibl c," as they proudly term the United States, is looked up n by their people with afiectiuu&M: adxira- tion and as a model for them to buiid ance with the spirit of the last resolution of the Chicago platform, measures should be taken at once to remedy this great evil. FOREIGN IMMIGRATION. Under our liberal institutions the subjects snd citizens of every nation have been welcomed to a home in our midst, and in compliance with our laws to co-operate with our Government. While it is the policy of the Repnblican party to encourage the oppressed of other nations and offer them facilities for becoming useful and in telligent (ilizens in the legal definition of the term, the party haa never contemplated the admission of a class of servile peo ple who are not only unable to comprehend our institutions, but are indisiosed to become part ef our national family or embrace any higher civilization than their own. To admit such immigrants would be only to throw a re tarding clement into the very path of progress. Our legislation should be amply protective agains this danger, and if not sufficiently so now. should be made so to the full extent al lowed by our treaties with friendly powers. THE CIVIL SERVICE. The subject of the civil service of the admin istration is a problem that has occupied the earn est 11 ought of statesmen for a number of years past, and the record will show that t. ward its solution many resul s of a valuable and compre hensive character have b en attained by the Re publican piirty since its accession to power. In the partisan warfare made upon the latter with a view of weak ning it in the public confidence, a great deal has been alleged in connection wit the abuse of the civil service, the party making the indiscriminate charges seem ing to have entirely forgotten that it was under the full sway of the Democratic organiza tion that the motto, "To the victor belongs the spoils," became a cardinal article in the Demo cratic creed. With a determination to elevate our governmen al adm nistratlon to the stand ard of jnstloe, excellence, and public morality, the B'publitan pai £.> aedolottnW to lay the foundation of a system which shall [Sioux Falls (Dak.) special.} Southeastern Dakota this afternoon was visited by a destructive wind-stonn accom panied by heavy rain, and in some places hail. It was not a cyclone, bnt simply a straight blow. The most northwesterly point from which, news comes is Carthage, near Iroquois, where a strip five miles wide was cat by hail. No damage was don's at Salem, forty miles west. At Dell Rapids, twenty miles north, there was great destruction by wind and haiL; The lower-story of Grossman Bros*, store spread, and let the top-story, occupied by the Odd Fellows' Hall, telescope down into it. The corner of G. A. Uline's store was blown off, and another store damaged. Two train warehouses near the depot, just re built after a recent fire, were blown down, and the ruins had to be removed to let the train pass. The Congregational church and the school house were demolished. The spire of the Presbyterian church was blown off. John Paul's lumber yard was scat tered. A number of dwellings wen de stroyed or injured. Crops are badly cnt by the hail. No de tails can be obtained on account of telegraph lines being down. At Btoleof, fourteen miles north, 0. E. Bert's store was blown down and his goods scattered over the prairie. His loss is $3,000. At Sioux Falls the wind did damage amounting to $2,000. The storehouse at the Drake Polishing Works and the bam al the Queen Bee Mill were blown down.' Part of the roof on the mill and warehouse was blown off. The tin roofs on the Phillips House and the Masonio Temple were considerably broken, the bnck veneering on the Fourth Ward School House was partially removed from ono side. The Postoffice Building, Knot's ioe- house, and several othdr structures were injured. Crops were blown down con siderably. The greatest damage is to corn. Farmers report the loss thereon at 3 per cent. At Valley Springs the flax-mill of H. O. Torry was destroyed, also the roller-skating rink. The school-house was ucroofed ana the fronts of several business places blown in. Fifteen structures were destroyed, and it is alleged that there is not a dwelling bnt is somwliat racked. F. H. Peavy's offioe was blown down. Lumber stocks were scattered in all directions. Several freight- cars were blown off a sidetrack, blockading the main line for hours. Griffiths Sogers, living two miles north, had his house and barn blown down ana two children injured, but not dangerously. H. T. Parrish, three miles north, had Ins barn blown down, and his head hurt and legbroken. The damage by hail to crops is Bdt SO much as further northwest. At Beaver Creek, Minn., some daiasos was done to grain-houses, barns, windmills, etc., but nothing of consequence. A Norwegian church ten miles south of Beaver Creek was blown down, and a maa and boy were somewhat injured. At Lnverne. Minn., Harrison White's grain warehouse was destroyed and a large livery-stable blown down, but twenty-five horses escaped uninjured. A lailroad, graders* camp was swept away. '• r i ' Or .tv-.1: +'i-' .... Another Version. (Lacrosse (Wis.) telegram.] News is just received here of a cyclone which struck the little hamlet of Winfre^ Dakota, this afternoon, nearly destroying the whole town, including the railroad depot, just completed. From there tho storm traveled to Dell Bapids, where it wrecked eighteen buildings, including t*o churches, a railroad windmill, coal-house, etc. The storm passed southeasterly ,, through Lake County, doing immense dam a g e t o c r o p s a a d b u i l d i n g s . N o < 4 I j j ' reported. * ' * , First Bale of Sew Cottia. * % v A special from Houston, Tex.,nys: Tho first bale of the new cotton crop was re ceived to-day. The cotton was grown by Dr. B. L. Harris at Pettsville, Fort Bend County. The bale weighed 370 pounds and classed low middling. A second new bale was shipped to-day from Cicero, De Witt County, consigned to a cotton factor in this city. It was grown by C. H. A me eke A Son, Ameckeville, De Witt County. Thus for six successive years the first bale of new cotton in the United States has been pro duced in Texas and shipped to Houston. Reports from all sections of the cotton belt state that the cotton crop, though fully fejl̂ ; weeks late, is in splendid condition. - ^ HOLYOKE, Mass., is expected sooii tobo»" come not only the greatest paper manuiho- turing but the greatest paper exporting dtf i in the world. • TWKMTY-OXZ THOUSAND widows of Nl> diers of the war of 1812 are stated to te still drawing pensions from the Qontt* ment. . ..if-.-- ^...... ., . . , • . tofc. ... . .,r„. • , v.-iiifakisaS