*• r'W-*y. f John Sherman in an Earnest Effort Compares the Two Great Parties. The Ohio Senator Reitefiftgs In Vigorous Language Points in His Springfield Record of the Democratic Party from 1860 to Bate Pointed Oat h.\ •f Hon. John Sherman, De- [vered at Wilmington, September 16. Fellow-citizens and gentlemen of the Sher man Club, I accept with mooh. pleasure your "•invitation to make my opening speech in this canvasb in this good county of Clinton. You have always been kind and partial to me. You have supported in a by your votes and the votes of your Representatives in the Legislature of Ohio in Ave successive elections for the Senate of the United States, and your young men have n<5w complimented me by the use of my name in the organization of your Republican club. For all these marks of your good-will I owe yon my heartfelt thanks. I recog nize in you a community of independent ana intelligent farmers, firmly attached to the Republican party, asking nothing of '• your public servants but a faithful and hon est performance of public duties. You have a right, therefore, to expect from roe a fair and • truthful statement of the reasons for the faith • we share in the principles and policy of the Republican party in preference to all other parties, under whatever name they are organ- : used, and especially of the Democratic party. Which for more than thirty years haa contested ,v" With the Republican party for political power, both in Ohio and in the United States. We ought not to ignore the claims of political organizations who are protesting against both the great national parties of our country, be cause they aro comparatively few in number and limited to a single object or principle. It is the tight ami duty of any body of American citizens to seek by association to accomplish any measure they think will advance the pub- lie interests, and often by tlieir zeal they com pel attention to just measure and reforms, but usually succcod only in defeating tne party most in sympathy with them. This has been the effect and still is the tendency of v the Prohibition Party. No fair man will dispute that the Republican party has done more, and, from its composition and tendencies, will do more for the cause of temperance than the Democratic party will or can ao The Dow law, placed by it on the stat utes of Ohio, is a more effective measure in restraining and lessening the evils that flow from the liquor traffic than any other measure proposed by either party. The leaders of the - Prohibition party know full well that every ' measure tonuiny to promote prohibition or the restraint of the liquor traffic has been and will ; be opposed by the Democratic party, a party ' whose success in Ohio for four vears has been given to it by those who sell and by those who consume spirituous liquors. And yet our Pro hibition friends aim all their shafts at the Re publican party and act as allies of the Demo cratic party. I know and respect the strong and growing feeling in Ohio against intemperance and the . saloon influence, and I believe the Republicans of Ohio, and of Clinton County, will cheerfully aid in passing and enforeius ail just mid rea sonable measures against these evils, but this can best be dono through existing parties, if temperance men would only make their influ ence felt as members of both the great parties, for both of these parties contain good temper ance men, the great reform they propose would be more advanced than by separate action for extreme measures, which experience shows can not and will not be enforced in large cities and towns. And so of the Labor Party. If there is any just and practical measure of public policy that will tend to advance the in terests of labor. or laboring men, the Republican party is now, and has been, ready and willing to adopt it. Every measure in their interest in the statutes of Ohio, and of the United States, has been put there by the Republican party. , The homestead law, the eight-hour law, the •; contract emigrant law, und that great system j of public policy to protect their labor from h undue competition by protective duties on im- . ported goods, have been the work of the Re publican party. The statute books of Ohio are full Of laws to protect their homes and noqae- hold effects, to guard them in the mines and workshops, to secure their wages by lien and preference laws, to restrain the emuioyment of infants and women. The last Republican Leg- islature passed many laws for thoir benefit. I ask them to point out when and where the Re publican party has failed to do justice to the • laboring men. Our long struggle for thirty years has be?n to secure every man's liberty and equal rights. It is only'when socialists seek to strike down all the rules of st cial order which dignify the homes of pi*>rand rich alike, or when communists seek to eujoy the prop erty acquired by the honest labor of others, or when anarchists seok to tear down all the in stitutions of modern civilization, that the Re publican party, as the consorvative party of the oountry, resists their demands. These men are ' criminals, and not laborers. Tney dishonor the word laborer--the laborer only seeks the free and full enjoyment of the profits of his labor, and will neither rob nor steal his neighbor's property. And so, fellow-citizens, I might review other parties, societies, and organizations. There is ne objection for any number of men to asso ciate for any lawful purpose in any company or association. The moiern world iB full of such. Their name is infinite. As a rule they are useful and only bad when their purpose is bad. But, after all, there can bo only two great political organizations in a free country, though, as in France and England, there may be wings and shades of opinion within a party, as there are divisions and brigades in a great , army. The Republican and Democratic parties na turally divide the people of the United States ~ into opposing forces. Most men will be satis- fled to beloiiy to one or the other, though not agreeing entirely with either. And these par ties are not to be tested by what they promise, but by what they do; and not entirely by what they nave done, but what they will do. And it Uby these tests the Republican party is al ways willing to be tried. It is not afraid of its past, for that includes the most successful and honorable achievement® in peace or in war that it has been the good fortune of any party to accomplish. What man among our Demo cratic friends would dare compare the acts, sayings, and doings of the Democratic arty, its Northern and Southern wings, for the ast thirty years with the acts, sayings, and doings of the Republican party? It is from . such a comparison they instinctively shrink. It was for making that comparison at Spring field, 111., the home of Abraham Lincoln, that • I was arraigned by our Democratic friends North and South for waving the bloody shirt. It was a bloody shirt. It is a shameless record. The fight for slavery, the rebellion ana its fearful losses, the course of - the Copper heads in the North, the riots in New York City, the Knights of the Golden Circle in Indiana, the fearful crimes of the Ku- klux Klaus, the cheating General Grant out of ihe vote of New York in 1858, , the Mississippi plan, the solid South, 1,000,000 of legal voter^ deprived of their franchise wherever their votes would count, the election of Cleveland--it was a bloudy afoirt. But did any man answer this arraign jientv Did I state one single thing as a fact that was not true ? But some say let by-gones be by-goner So be it. Certain tenderfeet are afraid I might hurt some one's feelings; that wo should banian this word "rebel" from our vocabulary; that -we should take the new South with Republi cans, white and black, counted out and say nothing. We must become ac customed to the restoration cf the old regime as Cromwell's Roundheads became accustomed to the court Jof King - Charles. Wo must surrender our captured flags to the rebels who bore them. Our Grand Army boys, now bent and gray, must march under the new flacr, under the flag of Grover Cleve land, or not hold their camp fires in St. Louis. This is the gospel of Democracy and Mug- wumpism. Let us, then, take the Democratic party as it is, revived, regenerated, and disenthralled, forgetful of the past, and what, does it promise of nope or glory for the nation or the State of Ohio in the futnra? What claim has it on anybody in this law-abiding, patriotic com munity? If you look to its recent policy in Ohio, and es pecially during the administration of Governor Hoadly, you will find it came into power by pledges never performed and unnatural alliances. It found in the State treasury, under the careful management of governor Foster, a large surplus applicable to the payment of the State debt. This was wasted and frittered away, and when their brief term of power end ed there was a large deficit in the revenue of the State, which had to be made good by a loan. The expenses of our public charities were in creased, and the penitentiary, formerly more than self-sustaining, was made a burden upon the treasury. Corrupt and improvident politi- ' eal tools were quartered upon all branches of the political service. A league ana covenant was made with the liquor-dealers under which, " and by the aid of a partisan judiciary, the whole revenue from the tax on liquor-dealers •was cut off for two years. In J 885 they sought to maintain power in the Legislature by ; election frauds and crimes in ths cities of Cin cinnati and Columbus so gross and palnable, so criminal and reckless, that honest .Demo crats like Judge Thurman and Justice Martin openly denounced them A committee of one hundred leading citizens of Cincinnati, com posed largely of Democrats, not only de- . nounced them but prosecuted some of the meaner criminals and sent them to the peni tentiary, while the more guilty escaped by the suppression of testimony. No event in the his tory of Ohio is more disgraceful than the frauds, perjury, and forgery committed in - Cincinnati in November, 1883, in the aadWaSproven te mmmuTT House «(Pepresentativea of the men who held the fraudulent And yet the leading i of election. pirty uphold these erti steucUd their pKOMeuttan, retained in the ate the four Senators who held such certificate* until the infamy and odium of their position drove them from the Senate. No wonder that Governor Hoadly, when he removed to New York after his term of office expired, felt im pelled t> denounoe in the most scathing lan guage the atrocity of these crimes. And, fotlofcr-citlxenf, in my long political life I know at no act of a great party that was more criminal and dangerous than the ions acqniee- eenee of the Democratic party in the proven crimes by which the will of the people was aourht to be subverted in these elections. I do not believe the mass of that party believed the faets as we now know them, for they were de nied or suppressed by a partisan press; but the leaders of that party and the men who held these false certificates knew they were the fruit of forgery, perjury, and ballot-box stuffing, and they ought to be held up to the public scorn. The only bad thing I have heard of-Mr. Powell, the Democratic candidate for Governor, is that he was present as an attorney, and when the forgery of the returns at Columbus was made manifested, that he still insisted that a certifi cate of election should issue based upon that forgery. He may shield himself under his po sition as an attorney, but certainly it was nis duty as a citizen and as a man to advise the Justice that no certificate of election should be based upon a palpable forgery. But, fellow-citizens, I do not wish to enter further into Ohio politics, for I know that our brilliant and able Governor Foraker is amply able to take care of his competitor, and is much more familiar than I with the management of our State affairs. He has shown this in his clear and clean cut speech at Caldwell, sup ported by official figures. Without disparage ment of the sincerity and honesty of our Democratic friends, I will say, and the record will make it good, that in the conduct of State affairs, in the custody of publio funds and in legisla tion for the good of the people, and, generally, in what is called good government and honest administration, they have not been so fortunate in the selection of their agents and officers as the Republican party, and I think this is largely due to the more severe and impartial scrutiny of the Republican party and its prompt expos ure and punishment of Republican officials when guilty of wrong. What I wish now to show, if I can, is the di viding line in national affairs between the two great parties, with a view to test which of them is more deserving of the support of an intelli gent, patriotic, and independent citizen. It is not in the name merely of Republican or Demo crat, for these words "are nearly synonymous and indicate no substantial difference. We can all say, "Wo are all Republicans," "We are all Democrats." The dividing line is a difference of opinion as to the nature and power of our National Government The Republican party looks upon the Consti tution as a grant of power, a charter of rights, and the bulwark of liberty. It was made by the people of the United States, and not by States, as the basis of a great, powerful repub lic, armed with ample powers to be construed literally with a view, and, so as to carry out the purposes of its founders, certain great powers are conferred by express terms, and Congress is invested with power to make all laws neces sary and proper for carrying into execution the delegated powers. Our theories are founded upon the express words of the Constitution, upon tne ideas of Washington and those who formed and advocated the adoption of the Con stitution, and upon the decisions of the Sn preme Court by John Marshall and his com> Seers. These ideas have been inherited by the .epublican party, and have been acted upon since by the administrations of Lincoln, Grant, Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur. We stand by them now and will in the future. The founders of the Democratic party, on the other hand, tnen calling themselves Repub licans, were in the main opposed to the adop tion of the Constitution as creating too strong a Government; and sought, by construction, to cripple and limit its powers. Mr. Jefferson, its chief apostle, was the author of the Vir- finia and Kentucky resolutions, which for the rst time announced in a qualified form, the right of a State to pass upon tho validity of acts of Congress and to nullify and to resist them. These doctrines were held in suspense until Mr. Calhoun gave form and effect to them by the attempted nullification of the revenue laws of the United States in 1**2. Commencing his political life as an earnest Republican in favor of tho war of 1S12, in favor ot tho protective policy, of internal improvements, and many of tho measures now supported by the Republican party, he changed his course in l£3i and be came the real leader and founder of the present Democratic party. He thought to convert the National Government into a mere confederacy of States, and held that it was wit'.iin the pow er of each State at any time to withdraw from the Union and brf ak what he called the Con federacy. The Democratic party under his lead became the guardian and defender of the insti tution of negro slavery, which became the cor ner-stone of the Democratic party, and fin ally involved the greater portion of the Democratic party in the rebellion. 1 Here I suppose I must not follow it, lest I raise the bloody shirt, but it is sufficient to say that at this moment the Democratic party holds to the creed, the ideas and the doctrines of the Democratic party of Calhoun, except only that it has abandoned the doctrine of secession. It holds to the same narrow construction of the Constitution, the same limited view of the powers of the National Government, and the same purpose to abridffe the exercise of acknowledged powers, shown by the adminis tration of James Buchanan, and whioh, when the rebels or Confederates set up a government, were made part and parcel of the constitution of the Confederate States. This creed is now followed in many respects by President Cleve land, and its nuthor is apotheosized by the President and Mr. Lamar. When I made a somewhat similar statement at Springfield, 111, especially in regard to the policy of protection, my assertion was doubted or denied by many Democratic papers, and I, therefore, have compared the Constitution of the United States with the Confederate Consti tution, and will read one provision from eaoh- In respect to tho power of taxation the Con stitution of the United States provides : "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imports, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common de fense and general welfare of the United States." This is the clear grant of general power un der which all the revenues of the Government have been collected since its foundation. Un der it we claim as the platform and creed of the Republican party, that in laying duties we may discriminate so as to protect and foster our in dustries. The Confederate constitution provides: "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises for revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for the common defense, and carry on the gov ernment of the Confederates States ; but no bounties shall bo granted from the treasury, nor shall any duties or taxes on importations from foreign nations be laid to promote or fos ter any branch of industry." This is in harmony with the Democratic idea of a "tariff for revenue only," as demanded by the platform recently adopted by the Demo cratic Convention at Cleveland, Ohio, and ac cording to the ideas of Speaker Carlisle and Mr. Mills, presumably the next Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, approved Bnd sanctioned by a Democratic President and Secretary of the Treasury. If the Confederate Constitution wai now in force the Democratic position would be quite right, but, as the Confederate Constitution went up with the lost cause, we think, under the old Constitution of our fathers, we are right in following their example while levying duties to build up and diversify our domestic indus tries. This difference of construction affects almost every question of public policy, great or small, in dispute between the two parties. Under our construction we thought it right, under the power to dispose of the public lands, to grant homesteads to settlers on lands. We thought it right, under tiie power to borrow money, to do it by issuing United States notes without Interest, invested with certain privi leges. We thought we had tho power to author ize certain defined persons to issue national bank notes if thpy could give United States bonds as security for their pnyment. We thought that, under the power to regulate commerce, we could render such facilities to commerce us harbors, lighthouses, and make navigable our streams and aid in steam communication witn foreign ports. And so with a multitude of measures, which all admit have wonderfully developed our resources, and have made our country so rich and prosperous. Now, tho Democratic par ty has constantly resisted and disputed this policy and all the measures I have men tioned. When they had the power to frame a constitution to suit themselves they changed the old Constitution and embodied most of their ideas into the new. The mistake thev now make is that the old Constitution not only still stands as framed by our fathers, but has been strengthened by amendments, securing liberty and equal rights to all, and has conferred still greater powers upon Congress to carry into ef fect the promises of the old Constitution. The Confederate constitution ha* no force or effect except as the best platform of Democratic prin ciples. ;-ow, fellow-citizens, the (*reat enduring ques tion of national politics, which will be discussed long af er we have passe 1 away, is whether the Federal Constitution Bhall be fairly construed and the great powers conferred by it shall toe fairly and fully exercised whenever the common defense and general weif sre of the people of the United States demand their exercise, or whether this instrument shall be construed strictly, like an Indictment, and its powers limited and crip pled t y subtle reasoning. When a man believes in the "first proposition, he is a Republican ; if in the latter, he is a Democrat. And now, more than ever, I claim we should uphold the delegated national powers. When onr Government was founded there were four millions of people and thirteen States, some large, some small, with many causes of divis ion between them, and with scarcely any means of communication. It was then natural that tho Htates should be jealous of each other, and of the Oeneral Government, and suspicious of encroachment by and power inve-ted in that Government. Some of these States, like V ir- ginia and New York, hesitated about ao«eptin£ tho Constitution, because of the largo powers conferred. Parties were formed on this basis. The Kentucky and Virginia resolutions were made a party nlatform. The Bourbons of to-day are •tiU fighting over it, and they are all in the Democratic party. Still the powers wM3b«rjn êr his reecriuttoM he could nor. 7*! hr dotB« Mded totteDMlMttttntof Independence his second laurel. Steam power, railroads, tele* and aU the multlplted inventions of civilisation have added to our wealth and means of communication. The old causes of difference have paesed away, the embers only remaining. The power* conferred by the Constitution fairly construed have been found sufOoieht to govern and hold together the vast Republic in peace and war, to secure us the highest credit among the nations of the world, to make our promises as good as any gold in any mart of commerce, to light onr mariners into 10,000 miles of navigable coast, to yield 5300,000,0)0 of revenue without complaint or oppression, to so diversify our in dustries that our annual productions exceed six thousand millions, and yet there is a paity among us who would cripple these powers, con strue away all the beneficent duties of so great a nation. Fellow citisens, I don't believe in ic. Now more than ever I would hold on to and ex ercise with wisdom and prudence the national power; not usurp power, but use what our fathers, with more than human wisdom, granted. We should dismiss forever from our councils all local jealousy, all pride of locality, all petty sophisms, expanding still further oar national aid for national purpeses, and extending to new region* the influence of our trade and oommer e. Both the 8tates and the nation are but the organized agencies of the people, both limited in power and charged with separate and dis tinct duties, one national the other local. Since the abolition of slavery there is no reason why the national and local" agencies of the people should not be in harmony with each other. The talk about State rights being imposed upon by Federal appropriations is but a remnant of secession. It is the rights of the reople of the United States, human rights in "the broadeBt sense, equal rights, without regard to race, color, nativity, or locality, that will hereafter be the battle cry in political contests. It is be cause I believe the Republican party has been and will be true to human rights that I support it. It is because I know the Democratic nartv has not been and*is not likely to be true human rights that I distrust it, and will not support it. Nor is it for any sectional advantage or preju dice that we are Republicans. We know very well that the South will, now that slavery is gone, be more benefited by the doctrine of pro tection than the North will be. We have nad the benefit of protection and diversified labor for many years. The South is just beginning to reoeive the reviving influence of cotton- mills, rolling-mills, iron and coal mines, and diversified employments for their laborers, white and black. We rejoice with the South in every sign of their prosperity. Her country is a part of our country, and what benefits the South will benefit the North. As they pros per we will sell them more wheat, bacon, and beans. We ask of the Sonth nothing but obedience to the Constitu tion, respect for the riuhts of tho freedmen among them, and an impartial study of Repub lican policy. The people of the South will soon perceive how grievously the narrow pol icy of the Democratic party has retarded their progress. We do complain of them in a manly way that bv unlawful and unconstitutional methods and by an appeal to the recollections of the war and to the prejudices growing out of slavery they have combined in a solid political force all the late slave-holding States with the free trade and disappointed elements of the North, and thus have made possible a reaction ary movement against a national policy of Srogress and development and the election of [r. Cleveland. What has been the result of this movement? What good has been done to any State or section by the administration of Grover Cleveland? It was said in the canvass of 1884 that they wanted to turn the rascals out It was repre sented that frauds and peculations were going on in the Republican administrations, and that the books should be examined and the thieves turned out. The first act of the new adminis tration was to examine the books, and they have been engaged in that duty ever since, but the books were found to be correct. There were no rascals to turn out, and, unlike what occurred in previous Democratic ad ministra tions, there was not a financial officer of the Government in any department of it but Bottled his accounts without delay, and paid over the monoy found due. There was not a single defaulter, thief, or rascal to turn out. We have more Democratic County Treasurers as defaulters in Ohio than we had in the vast Treas ury service of the United States. What a com pliment this to the Republican administrations, and what a comment it is on the infamous cal umny by which the Democratic party came into power. But again, you are promised that the great sums in the Treasury Department kept by a Republican administration to maintain re sumption and to meet the current obligations of the Government, held in the treasury in trust for the national banks, would be dis tributed, so that the money would not be hoarded from the people. What has been done in this respect? It is shown by the recent statements that the balances in the treasury have steadily accumulated, that no part of the surplus has been paid out, and that there is now in the treasury $&»,u00,0u0 in gold, 2I8.(KX),OO0 standard silver dollars, 92*1,00,*,000 of United States notes, fi6,000,00j deposited in national bank depositories. In all there was in the treasury on the 31st day of August, 1887, $5fil,HO0,360, a far greater sum than was in the treasury at any time in 19M, when these complaints were made. Now. mark it, my friends, I do not complain that larga sums are held in the treasury, because I know that a large portion of this money ,is held by the Government in trust for others, as, for the redemption of notes of national banks in process of liquidation, and much of it is represented by gold and Bilver certificates outstanding and in circulation, and 810 >,000,000 of it is a fund properly held un ter the law to secure the redemption of United States notes. I only give you these figures, not to complain of the administration in this re spect, but to show how unjust and groundless were the reasons given for the change of ad ministration. The best I oan say of this adminis tration is that, in its financial policy, in dealing with your public debt and the public creditors, it has followed the example of its Republican predecessors, with this difference, that it has increased the balances of money on hand and Increased its deposits in national banks. It has excluded, as not available, from the amount of money on hand, the whole mass of fractional silver coin held in the Treasury, amounting to over 9-26,0[H),000. In the canvass our opponents charged the Republican party with being the party of the bondholders, the speculators, the gold gamblers, and excited the prejudice of the ignorant by such appeals, and now it follows in onr footseps and increases the balanoes on hand. What a commentary on the folly of the change! Again, this party tickled the reformers and mugwumps with a promise of oivil-servioe re form, and Mr. Cleveland was especially copious in his promises that no one should be discharged for his politics. Tho Republican party, with some divisions, had supported, built up and maintained an excellent civil sorvice, and. in the main, had practiced upon the rule that change should not be made except for cause. Gen. Grant had Btrongly urged this poliov and recommended its application to all the great offices of the Government. Congress was not so friendly, perhars, because members of Con gress had large influence in making appoint ments, but a civil-service law was passed dur ing a Republican administration, and some progress was made in what I regard as an important reform. What has been the result under the new administration? Our Demo cratic friends thought that Mr. Cleveland was slow in making removals, but he has been rapid enough to substantially change the whole civil-service of the Government. Nearly every office in the foreign servioe, substantially the whole official corps in the vast departments of the Interior, the Treasury, and the Post- office, and, in the main, the clerks and em ployes in the various departments have been changed during the administration. I do not hesitate to say that the service of the Govern ment has been greatly injured thereby. When some of these changes were presented to the Senate for our confirmation that body re spectfully asked th* President for his reasons for tho change. In my judgment the President made a grave mistake and departure from his promises when he did not promptly and fairly state to the Sen ate the causes of removal in each case. He would have set an example which would have been followed by his successors and would have placed the civil-service of the gov ernment upon a proper basis. A reason stated by him to the Senate would have been received and acted upon with the respect due to his po sition, but instead of that he refused to give his reasons and thiB left a co-ordin ate department of the government to con clude either that he was insincere in his pretense that he made no removals ex cept for cause, or that he • regarded that declaration as made in a Pickwickian sense, to be in force when he wanted it and of no account when he did not waurt it. And now I think I can fairly say, in view of the experiences had, that President Cleveland has not observed his pledge to support either the rule of civil service in his appointments or to sustain the Civil Serv ice Commission in its recommendations j What else can be sxid in favor of this ad- j ministration ? The highest compliment it has j received is that it has uot been as bad as was expected. It has not stepped the rain and sun shine, the ordinary course of the crops, or the j ebb and flow of business. It has not been able I to rep-al tho Republican laws upon which our Industrie.? rest. I take it that this is because we still have a Republican Senate, and a Dera- j ocratic House of Representatives has never j yet been able to agree upon political paw*! IT-Jgint Talk Will I (Am.). ;v.< COL. GRANT NOMINATED. He la *, Yoik to Lead the New Republicans Victory. The State Convention at Saratoga Karnes a Strong Ticket fir »f y the Fall Campaign. Democracy and the Tariff. ; For twelve years now the Democratic j party has been demanding a redaction of | the war taxes and pledging itself to stop j the surplus. For Ihe greater part of this time it has had control of the lower hoase of Congress, in which revenue measures mast originate, and not once has it passed a bill through that Hou9© reducing the taxes. In the last two Congresses, though having a large majority, it was tmable even to secure consideration for the subject. * • • If the Democratic leaders wish the coon try to believe that they mean to stop the surplus by reducing the taxes they (Saratoga special to Chicago Tribune.] The Republican State Convention, the best representative gathering held by this party in the Empire State for years, per formed its work faithfully and well. Har mony and good-feeling, bordering almost on jollity, characterized the entire proceed* ings. and never hare the Republicans been more sanguine of success. There was no bossiam or attempt at dictation, and no obnoxious factional lines could be dis cerned. There were no stalwarts and no half-breeds, as the opposing elements of the past were to-day enjoying each other's coniidenoe as a unit for the benefit of the party. Realizing that a Presidential cam paign is close at hand, the unanimous sen timent was in favor of closing up any pos sible gaps in the line and presenting a solid front to the political enemv. The nomination of Col. Fred D. Grant was made unanimous, and wben the worthy son of the great Ulysses S. Grant was in troduced to the convention the 7(H) dele gates rose to their feet and made the spa cious Casino Rink fairly ring with cheer upon cheer. Col. Grant, as he stood apon the platform retaining thanks, bore a strik ing resemblance to his illustrious father. The Colonel is well qualified for the posi tion. County Judge Jesse S. Lamoreaux, of Saratoga, who was nominated for Con troller, is also looked upon as a sft-ong can didate. He was one of the original Blaine supporters, and will reoeive an unusually heavy vote in the northern and eastern por tions of tho Slate. He is a graduate of the Fort Edward Institute, and was a classmate of Judge George S. Batchellor, of Sara toga, who was a member of the Interna tional Tribunal of Egypt. James H. Car- michael, of Erie, the nominee for 8tate Treasurer, is the present Treasurer of that county and possesses marked ability in that direction, and he is well and favorably known the length and breadth of the State. James H. Dennison, of Fulton, nominated for Attorney General, is one of the best nominations that could be made, a lawyer of ability, a graduate of West Point, and a Union veteran of the war. The nomina tion of O. H. P. Cornell for State En gineer and Surveyor was also a most ex cellent one. Tho platform is one that will commend itself to all. It favon protection, support for the veteran soldier, high license and local option, true civil service, and declares that the Republican party is the true friend of the workingman. The methods and ad ministrations of both Cleveland and Hill are severely criticised. Promptly at noon the 693 delegates met in the CaBino Rink and the convention was called to order, nnd, after prayer, Seth Low assumed the temporary chair and ad dressed the convention. The regular com mittees were then appointed and a recess taken. On the reassembling of the con vention the Committee on Permanent Or ganization reported for President Warner Miller. The report was concurred in, and Mr. Miller was conducted to ihe platform by Senator Hiscook, being received with great applause. The convention then pro ceeded to the nominations. Senator Evarts placed the name of Col. Fred D. Grant before the convention for Secretary of State. CoL Grant was unani mously nominated by acclamation. Judge Jesse S. Lamoreaux, of Saratoga County, was nominated for Comptroller; James H. Carmichael, of Erie, for State Treasurer; James A. Dennison, of Fulton, for Attorney General; and O. H. P. Cornell for State Engineer and Purveyor. The platform, as reported, begins by stating that tbe Republican party seeks restoration to power in the nation and the State, and rehearses its record and that of the Democratic party since its accession to power as reasons therefor; claiming for the former "success in war, in pacification and restoration, and in executive, legislative, and financial achievements," and charging upon the latter "incapacity and inefficiency in administration and legislation," and "the egregious blunders of the Executive and the Democratic branch of Congress. It proceeds as follows: Two and a half years of a Democratic Presi dent, who has had the co-operation of an over whelming majority in the Mouse of Represen tatives, where under the Constitution revenue measures must originate, have exposed the in capacity of the Democratic party and the weak ness of the Democratic policy under which so much was promised the people, but from which there have come only brokeu pledges, failure to promote the people's interests, no plan to re duce the revenues or to retrench expenditure, no purjKJse to promote a practical civii-servioe reform or otherwise to improve the public ser vice ; while conspicuous among the many shortcomings of this administration are num berless appointees who hare proven faithless and incompetent, the postal service disorgan ized and its efficiency impaired, and the pnMlo business in other departments delayed and ob structed. Wo adhere firmly to the Ameriean policy under whose operation unexampled prosperity has blessed the land, and hold that any changes to be made in the tariff laws should be made by the friends of those laws, and in the interest of protection of labor on onr own soil and of home markets, not by or in the interest of free trade propagandists, nor for the benetit of foreign producers and foreign labor. National taxation Bhould be so adjusted as to raise revt-nue snfflcient for an economic and wise administration of the Government for the payment of publio debt, for the development of national resources, and for national defenses, but any reduction should be so made as not to impair the prosperity of home industries. American markets must be pre served to the products of American labor and capital and protected from foreign en croachments. The principle of the national and State civil-service reform laws has our hearty approval. These laws should be executed in the spirit in which they were enacted and ac cepted by the people and be advanced and made permanent. The platform further charges President Cleveland and Governor Hill with hypocrisy and systematic perversion of the law to parti san purpose*, and says the political rights of all persons throughout the land must be estab lished ftrmly and beyond controversy. It charges persecutions of the workingman in the South and the denial of his civil rights, and declares that: A fair hearing on all public questions, a free ballot in every citizen's hand, and an honest count of the vote are just pre rogatives of citizenship to whioh full respect mnst be paid to insure the enjoyment of the freeman's birthright and the maintenance of republican government on a stable foundation. The veterans of the Union armies and navies are entitled to the liberal consideration of this people for all public preferment, and should receive generous care and adequate pensions. The flippant, sneering language of President Cleveland's vetoes of pension bills is insult ing to the veterauH and degrading to the Execu tive. Tbe subservient sj irit displayed in Mr. Cleveland's illegal order to return rebel battle flags, tho precious trophies of the Union troops, deserves only reprobation, and justly excites tbe resentment of all loyal people. Anarch ists, communists, polypamists, paupers, fugi tives from justice, and insane, vicious, and criminal persons, as alBo contract labor, should bs rigorously excluded. But honest, indus trious, well-intentioned irersons escaping the oppression and degradation of Old World despotism and tna crushing force of free-trade policies are welcome as a desirable element in onr imputation. We heartily indorse the purpose of the ftepnb- lican majority of the legislature in passing the bills to limit and restrict the liquor traffic, and we condemn the vetoes of the Goreraor as hos tile to that purpose. We recommend compre hensive and efficient legislation for givin# local option by oor.nties, towns, and cities, and re striction by taxation in such localities as do not by their option exclude absolutely the traffic. We approve the laws, State and national, pro hibiting the manufacture and sale of articles of food made in imitation of butter and cheese, and earnestly favor such further legislation as may be necessary for the protection of genome dairy products. The cause of Ireland and the efforts In its be half by Gladstone, I'arnell, and their associ ates have the earnest sympathy of Republicans and command their co-operation by all peace ful methods to promote an early and complete triumph. " IF you can get away for a summer vacation it is best to go. If you can not you will find great oomfort m the re flection that there ia no ptoe like home.--Portland Argus. _ M&urioe jS^rtymore, who, thong! born and ed«o«ited in England, is mor« an American than a Briton, onoe had an odd experience in meddling with i London family quarrel. He was going liome late one night from the Greet JiRoom Clnb, which is in Bedford street, ^ip near Covent Garden. On his way lie was obliged to pass through a sec tion of the town where there are a 'good many tenement houses, and in one of the narrow streets of this sed ition he came upon a orowd of people. They were standing in front of a tall house, and were looking up at one of the upper windows. The rest of the house was dark, but this particular window was brightly illuminated, and a shade was drawn inside. Upon that shade was being enacted a shadow pantomime of very great activity, and it portrayed a vigorous fight between two human beings. This condition was made all the more apparent by a wo man's voice, which, at everv blow screamed "murder V" in tearful accents. Clearly some brute of a man up there was beating his wife to death. Barry- more, full of the chivalric feelings of his adopted country, was horrified. He glanced around over the crowd. They were looking on without the slightest perturbation. Some were smoking, some were talking among themselves, and some were gazing at tho shadow pan tomime in silence. But nobody showed the slightest indication of anv "desire to interfere. Barrymore couldu't stand it, and made a (fash for the stairway, while shriek after shriek went out upon the night air. Up bounded the rescuer, flight after flight, intent only upon saving the unfortunate woman from her infuriated and murderous assailant s At last, pretty well out of breath, he reached the upper landing and paused. There was a fearful rumpus inside. The furniture was being smashed about, blow after blow was falling and the screams of "Murder" . were still .being repeated. Barrymore paused an in stant and reflected that he was doing a very rash thing. There was probably a big, burly ruffian in that room, who would pulverize him when he entered, and in that pursuit would, most likely, have tbe enthusiastic assistance of his wife. Women are proverbially given to turning upon their preservers in times of this kind. Thus thought Barry more, and thui continued he to think, until a howl of more than usual agony, accompanied by an unprecedented crash of furniture, determined him that, come what might, he would see his self- imposed task through to the end. So he braced his shoulder firmly against the door and boldly burst it in. The site that met his view he will not soon forget. The room was lighted by a lamp that atood on a high shelf out of harm's way. The tables and chairs were overturned and broken, and household utensils were scattered about the place, while, dashing from place to place, dragging a half-insensible human form and showering blows upon it, was a big, brawny, six-foot woman. She was thrashing her husb.ind, and, with true feminine inconsistency, was screaming "murder" every time she struck him. Barrymore went away. Letter-writing la Olden Time. fn nothing lias our mode of life as a people changed more noticeably than in our letter-writing. Now we tele graph or write short notes if business is our theme, or take the railroad oi steamboat if pleasurable converse with friends be our object. Felix Oldboy, in the Evening Post, discourses de lightfully of the part the letter played in his boyhood: The art of writing a letter ia un known to the generation of to-day. Cheap postage killed it and the tele graph buried it. People have neither the time nor the patience to sit down and write a dozen pages of gossip, giv ing delicious glimpses of life painted with the delicacy of a photograph and with its fidelity. Yet this was the epis tolary style of our ancestors. * * • I remember the advent of such letters in my boyhood. A great packet of creamy paper, carefully folded by the rule we were taught in boyhood, ad dressed with many a quaint but pains taking flourish, and made fast with a broad seal of red wax bearing the send er's coat-of-arms, was handed in by the postman and welcomed with a univer sal shout. What a revelation it was. There was the atmosphere of the Blue liidge of Western Virginia in its folds, the lapping of the shallow waters of the Shenandoah over their rocky bed, the rustling of the warty branches and waxy leaves of the persimmon tree, the lowing of great herds of cattle on the mountain side, the waving of meadowy miles of yellow wheat, the song of the slave at his toil, the prattle of the little one3 from the cool depths of the veran das that surrounded the great house, and the glint of the white hair of my mother's grandfather, who had fought at Yorktown, and in his quiet Southern home was nearing the century mile- stona It was an event in my life when 1 was first permitted to send a letter in reply to a message in one of these epis tles. A week's labor was put into it, and I know that it faithfully mirrored every phase of our city life, down to my 'surreptitious guinea-pigs in the back yard. * • * Here is a yellow, faded sheet which contains on its three quarto pages in the cramped little school hand of the day, the story of a voyage from New York and Santa Cruz, in the brig Eliza, forty-four years ago this month. It is only a child's letter, but it tells of the flying fish and the nautilus, of the hooks thrown overboard that came back laden with seaweed in which little crabs made tbeir burrows, of sailors clambering aloft, and the blsck cook cat&hing a sea that wrecked bis tray of. dishes and his dignified self--and in these groupings of the pen it is tbe per fection of a letter. Carl Pretzel's Philosophy. Please of you don't trust in der goot aadure of peoples, poody gwick you don't get trusted, also. Atwice dot don't liafe a market value i a* a goot ting to gif away. Nadure dond vas like der kangaroo, an ackound she dond moof mit jumps. i"oost so shteady like der duoe she goes ilong mit herself. Der shndge on der bench vas a pooty shmard fellers, but efen dot man dond 2an gif some brains to der iooL--Sun- lay National. Aboat Smoking. The observations of Dr. Frantzel, of Berlin, show that the effects of im moderate smoking are seldom mani fested before the smoker is thirty, but that the heart troubles most often be gin between the ages of 50 and 00. Finer flavored cigars bring about such troubles more frequently and more gpeedily than common ones. It may be regarded as certain that the in jurious action of smoking does not de pend upon the amount of mooting, but apon some as yet unknown cause. WHl HX B i II I Hi'" »i"%ir A Cliliimu Iavtutp th« OlurfafiKM •# America to Crtne to Coeilefl*#. The North American lievlew prints an article by Wong Chin Foo, an ab)9 Chinaman, entitled "Why am I A Heathen?" in which he says: "Born and raised a heathen, I leaned and practiced its moral and religions oode; and acting thereunder I was use ful to myself and many others. My conscience was clear, and my hopes as to future life were undimmed by dis tracting doubt But, when about 17, I was transferred to the midst of our showy Christian civilization, and at tliis impressible period of life Christian ity presented itself to me at first under its most alluring aspects; kind Christian friends bocame particularly solicitous for my material and religious welfare, and I was only too willing to know the truth. 1 had to take a good deal for granted as to the •' inspiration of the Bible--as is necossary to do--to Chris tianize a non-Christian mind; and I even advanced so far under the spell of my would-be soul-savers that I seriously contemplated becoming the bearer of heavenly tidings to my "benighted" heathen people. But before qualifying for this high mission, the Christian doctrine I would teach had to be learned, and here on the threshold 1 was bewildered by the multiplicity of Christian sects, each one claiming a monopoly of the only and narrow road to Heaven. "We heathens believe in the happi ness of a common humanity, while the Christian's only practical belief appears to be money-making (golden-calf worshiping), and there is more money to be made by being 'in the swim* as a Christian than by being a heathen. Even a Christian preacher makes more money in a year thau a heathen banker in two. I do not blame them for money-making, but for their way of making it. How many eminent Chris tian preachers sincerely believe in all the Christian mysteries they preach ? And yet it is policy to be apparently in earnest; in fact, some are in real ear nest rather from the force of habit than otherwise--like a Bowery auctioneer who, to make trade, provides customers, too--to keep up the appearauce of a rushing business. Tho more converts made the more profit to the church, and the more wealth in the pocket of the dominie. How would the hundreds of thousands of these Christiau minis ters in the United States make their living if they did not bulldoze it out oi the credulous by making the pews be lieve what the pulpit does not? "Call us heathen, if you will, the Chineso are still superior in social ad ministration and social order. Among 400,000,000 of Chinese there are fewer murders and robberies in a year than there are in New York State. True, China supports a luxurious monarch-- whose every whim must be gratified; Jet, withal, its people are the most ightly taxed in the world, having nothing to pay but from tilled soil, rice, and salt; and yet she has not a single dollar of national debt. "Though we may differ from the Christian in appearance, manners, and general ideas of civilization, we do not organize into cowardly mobs under the guise of social or political reform to plunder and murder with impunity; and we are so far advanced in our heathenism as to no longer tolerate popular feeling or religious prejudice to defeat justice or cause injustice. We are simple enough, too, not to allow the neglect or abuse of ago, by youth, how ever mild the form. 'The silent tears of age will call down the fire of Heaven upon those who make them flow.* f "There is more wickedness in the neighborhood of a single churoh district of 1,000 people in New York than among 1,000,000 heathen, churchless, and unsermonized. Christian talk is long and loud about how to be good and to act charitably. It is all charity and no faternity--'there, dog, take your crust and be thankful!' And is it, therefore, any wonder there is more heartbreaking and suicides in the single State of New York in a year than in all China? Thtf difference be tween the heathen and the Christian is that the heathen does good for the sake of doing good. With the Chris tian, what little good he does he does it for immediate honor and for future reward; he,lends to the Lord and wants compound interest. In fact, the Chris tian is the worthy heir of his religious ancestors. The only positive point Christians have impressed on heathen ism is that they would sacrifice religion, honor, principle, as they do life, for-- gold. And then they sanctimoniously tell the poor heathen: 'You must save your soul by believing as we do.' " 'Do unto others as you wish they would do unto you,' or 'Love your neighbor as vourself,' is the great di vine law which Christian and heathen alike hold, but whioh the Christians ignore. This is what keeps me the heathen I am! And I earnestly invite the Christians of America to eos*e to Confucius^ The Wedding Bing. The ceremony perceeded along smooth and proper till Hannibal ander- took ter find the ring to put on my fin- ! ;er. Then there was trouble. He umbled fust in one pocket, then an other, took out a cigar, a little box o' matches, a tooth-pick, a penknife, a horse-ches'nut that he alwers carries for rheuniatiz, and several other things --took 'em out one to a time, looked at 'em thoughtful and inquirin' and put 'em back agin. Finally he dove into some place and took out a little wad o' paper, and all our sperits revived. That looked more like, but when he ondid it, out rolled a dozen or more sugar- coated pills on to the floor I He let 'em roll and tried agin. This time he fished Out a small card that 'peared ter have some writ in' on it. (I found out after wards that he'd writ down on that .. -8. H. Hfslll, * Elgin, dde by ciitti»g his throat. He wis 1 of age- --The new artetfian weH hi, Osmsso fti 2,250 feet deep, and has a flow ef SMgriU lons of water a minute. --Tke Highway Commfartonen of Po*. tiacTowtebip are paying thirty eeats a load for the bjtoken stone they are using en tho roads of that township. t --Rev. J. s. Hnlch'nson, of Deeatur, has withdrawn from the ps&totati of the United Brethren Church, and has been re ceived into full membership of the Baptist Church. --A young ma* jit Champaign flit up while asleep, went out through • win dow, breaking the wire screen, and onto the roof of a porch, from which he fell to the ground, a distance of twefte alighting upon his hands and Strange to relate, the fall did not ai him, and his slumber was unbroken fat ve hour afterward. --Thomas J. Williams, the third victim* of the boiler explosion in Mount Vernon recently, died at his home in Spring Gar den. He at one time represented Jeflbrsoa Connty in the lower branch of the Legis lature, after which he removed to St. Lottis and speculated in wheat, and was at one time worth $60,000. He failed in business, however, and lost his mind, which 1m only partially recovered. --A Pittsfield man has manufactured an immense barrel chum on wheels. With this he will go through the country gather ing the cream, and when he has secured ti e proper quantity returns home. He will hitch on the churning gear, and as tee drives along the churning will go on as tho wngon goes along, and when he arrives there will be nothing to do bnt take out the butter and draw off the buttermilk. --The village authorities of Tolono have determined to enforce the . State compul sory education law, and have instructed tbe policemen to arrest without warrants any boys found on the streets during school hours and look them in the calaboose n«HI they agree to comply with the law or their parents offer some guaranty that the will be kept in school. It is the only ] in the State where such extreme are resorted to. --Tbe Blue Ridge Drainage District, in Piatt County, has been declared illegally organized and a judgment of ouster ren dered against the Commissioners by Judge Hughes in the Circuit Conrt at Montieello. D. R. Klinger and Peter Yandervoort, who constitute the majority of the board, axe required to pay the costs, while Joseph Wooding, minority member, who opposed their plans, escapes. A great amount of litigation is expected to follow the Judge's action. --At the meeting of the Board of Super* visors in Decatur it was voted unanimously to proceed with the erection of a stone court house on the county lot, the building not to cost more than $100,000. The county has been renting a store-room building for a court house since tbe old structure on the square in which Douglas, and Ogleaby practiced law was torn down. The board will increase the tax levy slightly, and put . aside enough money within three years to meet the ex penses. --The last of the famous gang of "fcni. ackers" of which Pete McCartney was chief took his departure from the Joliet Prison recently. His mime is Joseph H. Harlan, and for years he was one of Mc Cartney's trusted lieutenants. After Pete got settled he operated with the Ritten- house gang until it was broken up. tenhouse, a gray-haired old man, got a long sentence in Joliet, which he served with Boyde, the counterfeit engraver. Boyde is now "squaring it," and so is Bit- tenhouse. McCartney is in the Mwhipn City Prison serving a fifteen-year sentence. Joseph served a four-year sentence with Pete at, Michigan City Mid when out he had an abundance of bogus money which he began to shove in Ohio, where he was caught, and served five years at Columbus. He then came to Illinois, his supply of counterfeit money not being yet exhausted. He began shoving it and was settled in Bloomington, in 1685, for a thisa jeer sentence. --Several thousand people were at the Mrs. Woodworth faith-cure oamp-meeting at Berlin Springs, recently, to witness the baptizing of nearly ono hundred converts in Stevens Creek, the woman evangelist conducting the ceremony. Since the open ing of the meeting, three times a day Tt exciting scenes at the altar have been wit nessed, and, through faith that God will heal bodily ailments as well as to' away the sins of the supplicants, a ber of people have been there to be lieved of rheumatism, near-sightedness, paralysis, and other ailments. There ara said to be several proofs of the success of this plan in Decatur, and they are the most enthusiastic supporters of the trance evangelist. The meetings are to be transferred to Oakland Park, Deeatur, where the people are expected to go in trains from a distance to be healed by faith and the laying on of hands. One woman became deranged at the meeting, and made things lively for her family at her home in the country. A man from St. Louis is there with his son, who is a ple. He believes that if his boy < the faith he will limp no more. --Among eight oonvicts released the Joliet prison, the other day, wen two of the murderers of Police Officer Rosen- card where he put the ring, for fear he'd forgit, jest as he had.) When he'd read the card what did dedew but stoop muiuwciii «'«•«» *los®n" over deliberate and pull off one o' 'em ! field' wh° hl8 death at the bauds of • dretful boots and shake the ring out o* P^J °* D&venpoi t thugs at Bock Island the toe on't! Then he put his boot in 1879. Barney Heeney, Patrick Heensf, back on, and straightened himself up and John Cavanaugh, alias "Dublin JmIc,* as carm as if it was customary and com- bad been having a drunken spree in Bodt mon for bridegrooms to carry the ring in the toe o' their boots, and, takin' my hand, slipped the ring on to my finger as graceful as you please. --American Magazine. At Narragansett. Carrie--Where have you been ? Clara--I have been to the druggist1* to get some medicine. Carrie--What did you get? Clara--Well, I got some gum-drops, and a pound of marsh mallow paste, Island. On their way across the to Davenport they were met by Officer Rosen- field, who attempted to arrest "Dublin Jack" for disorderly eonduct. The gang attacked the officer, crushed in his and fled. All were arrested. Barney Hee ney took a change of venue to Henry County, where, after two trials, he was once sentenced to be hanged. He was sent up for life. Dublin Jack and Pat Heeney stood trial at Rock Island. The and a pot of rouge, and two sheets of latter received a fourteen-year enntenrs fly-paper, and a glass of vanilla oream r.nd Dublin Jack was sent up for life. On soda, and a sachet. Carrie--Poor thing! Ton must have a good deal of sickness at your house. MAKE that the law for thyself whioh thou woul&t! fish be mad* swi --Kant. account of the extreme youth of Cavan augh at the time the murder was committed and in consideration ef the excellent prison record he had made, Gov. Ogleeby recently reduced his life tern to a sentence of foiR-' teen years* the same as Pat Heeaay's. » 1