WEIGHED AND WANTING. The New York "Commercial Ad- •̂ trtiser's" Analysis of the Charges Against Blaine. Every Accusation Minutely And the Conclusions of Inao- . cence Reached. After an Absolutely Impartial Inquiry the Charges Are Found to Be thoroughly False. I ; [From the New York Commercial Advertiser.] While convinced that the Presidential election was not likely to be influenced as much by the charges i, eainat Mr. Blaine's honestv and verac ity as by those against Mr. Cleveland's chastity, we have felt it our duty, since the new letters , appeared, to make a laborious and careful ex amination of those charges against Mr. Maine ana the testimony produced to supiwrt them. We first approached the subject with no per sonal i rcdilQctions in favor of Mr. Blaine, and •with, we can hardly say, a belief, but a vague, undefined feeling which amounted almost to a belief, that we should find lhuch to su> tain the charges. We are to-day prepared to state the „ results of our investigation, conscientiously made. They have been arrived at after reading and considering everything in the way of evi dence or argument that we could tind upon the subject, and our conclusions are as follows: JUSTIFIED IN KETAIN1NU THE LETTERS. 1 Ko far as relates to Mr. Blaine's letters, produce i in 1876, and obtained at that time by Hr. Blaine from Mulligan, the latter had, at the time Mr. Bla ne so obtained them, no right to their possession. Mr. Fisher, to whom they •were addressed, had, in pursuance of a policy of double-dealing which is now obvious, con- a sented that Mulligan should take them with him when summoned to Washington as a wit ness. But after he got there Mr. tisher had demanded their return to him, which Mulligan had refused, frrom that time he was a wrong- doer, and either party to the cot respond* nee had a right to regain tneir possession. When Mulligan avowed to Mr. Blaine that he claimed aright, to publish the letters, which he would exercise when and as he chose, Mr. Blaine was fully justified in retaining them. But he acted fairly, for he at once ottered to return them to ^ Fisher, the other party to the comspondeno. =: Fisher, however, who had apparently become frightened, declined to receive them. As a '- matter of undoubted law. Mulligan had no • right to publish them; neither had Fisher, ex cept under circumstances which did not exist; and if cither li; d attempted it Mr. Blaine could have enjoined them. As to the letters recently published by Fisher and Mulligan, their publication was, so far as Mr. Blaine's letters are concerned, a flagrant violation of the law, and should deprive those : engaged in it of the confidence of every decent «man. A MULLIGAN LIE NAILED. 2. The allegation that Mr. Blaine begged Mul- • ligan "on his knees" to give him the letters, that ' he declared their publication would "ruin" him and his family, etc., etc., is not true. Mulligan is the only authority for it. and he alleges it oc curred in the presence of Fisher and Josiah At- . kins, but they, when examined under oath, did " ' not sustain him. BLAINE SUPPRESSED NOTHING. Mr. Blaine did not suppress any of the let ters or any of the evidence against himself, but published the whole. After some most ri diculous blunders upon this subject the charge under this head is now confined solely to Mr. "••• Fisher's letter of Oct. 21, 1871. Mr. Blaine ex pressly stat ed In the House of Representatives that he did not read Jit because, though specified . /upon Mulligan's schedule, it. was not in the bun dle he received. Mulligan told the Times two days ago that the original letter to Mr. Blaine was in the package--which was obvious ly impossible. He toki the Boston Journal yes terday that a letter-press copy was in the bun dle. It is unimportant which of these state ments Mulligan intends to stand by, for the letter is now published, and its contents are so , comparatively unimportant that it is absurd to suppose that when Mr. Blaine read all the other letters he secreted lor suppression one not wriUen by himself, but one which itwas natural •to believe Mr. Fisher could duplicate, and one ' " which, in any event, referred to matters not then the subject of controversy. In tact, not only did Mr. Blaine not suppress any ot the let- .ter.~, but he read letters not called for by Mulli gan's memorandum, because he found them in the package. THE UNION PACIFIC BONDS. 4 . The charge that Mr. Blaine was interested : In the seventy-five bonds sold to the Union Pa- -- cific Kailroad Company by Thomas A. Scott is not only without evidence to sustain it, but was, .: on a full investigation, absolutely disproved. The charge rested originally on mere hearsay. Eveuy person who did or could know anything of the transaction agrees in saying that Mr. Blaine had nothing to do with the sale, never had any interest in the bonds so sold, and *: neither directly nor indirectly benefited by the v sale. Thomas A. Bcott, who made the sale, An drew Carnegie, who received the bonds from Scott, Levi P. Morton, who handled them, Mr. Dillon of the Union Pacific Road, all agreed that Mr. Blaine had nothing to do with the bonds or their sale. Mr. Scott swore that he bought them of Caldwell some eighteen months before the sale of the Union Pacific Company, and that Blaine had nothing to do with them. Mr. Cald well, who was in Europe, cabled that Mr. Blaine had no connection with the matter. It was, moreover, proved beyond dispute that Mr. Blaine had not at that time sufficient bonds to have made the sale. The letters recently produced help to confirm this proof. Fisher's reference in one of the new letters to the bonds sold to Scott is shown by his o» n statement under oath to have been made without knowl edge and only on hearsay, and the person who lie alleged gaive him the information utter ly dented having done so, and equally denied any knowledge or belief that Mr. Blaine had any connection with the bonds or their sale. There has seldom or never been a charge against any one which was either or absolut ly without proof to sustain it or which was so absolutely disproved. The passage in one of the former letters which has been heretofore appealed to as * containing an implied admission of an interest in the sale of bonds to Scott is shown by the correspondence recently published not to refer thereto. THE LITTLE ROCK MATTER. . 5. Mr. Blaine did nothing in Congress with reference to the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad Company which was improper or out of the ordinary course. On the contrary, his action was in strict accordance with parlia mentary law and in the interest of decent legis lation. When an attempt was made by amend ment to log-roll the b.lls together and thus • either to defeat the unobjectionable one or make it carry the bad one, he was applied to by friends of the measure for information as to what they could do to protect themselves from the lobby, and he made a suggestion which was effectual. Such applications are always made to the Speaker as a matter almost of right. Mr. Blaine asserted this in ths House ana no one contradicted him. and every one familiar with Washington unage knows it to be true. At the time Mr Blaine made this suggestion, and for two months afterward, there can be rfo pretense that either he or any friend or ac- . quaintance of his was interested in that bill, or had any knowledge of it. About two months after the adjournment of Cong ess Mr. Blaine was surprised by an offer from an intimate per- • fiona! and business friend that he should be- 'corae interested--apparently by purchase--as a partner in the contract to build the Fort Smith Road, but the proposed arrangement, though under consideration for soui" months, never was perfected. While it was still pending Mr. Blaine, in letters to the friend who had pro posed the arrangement to him, described--as lie says as a matter of natural curiosity--the action which he took with reference to the bill in Congress. Thes > letters were written some rfx months after Congress adjourned, and there is no pretense that Mr Blaine ever at any time alter the proposal was made to him to become Interested in the contra.-t did anvthing of any nature, proper or Improper, to aid those inter ested under the bill or the contract, except to sell to friends some of the securities and to lend them his credit to raise money. Neither the new nor the old letters show or indicate any improper act by Mr. Blaine. His critics have never pretended to put their fingers on any such act. They have necessarily confined themselves to criticism of his language. His reference to the fact that if he went into the enterprise as a partner he should not be a "dead-head," and that he saw "many channels in which he could be useful," did not necessarily imply a tender of any im proper service, and both the services which he rendered and the manner In which he was treat ed show that his language was neither intended by himself nor understood by those to whom it was addressed to involve or imply any improp er action on his part. Nor was there anything in Mr. Blaine's position which should have pre vented him from going into th*1 enterprise. At the same time, it would lf»ve been better if Mr. Blaine had not in his correspondence, while the question of his be.oming a partner was pending, referred to his action in Congress six months previously. The reterence to it, with the authority, to mention it to Caldwell, seems to have been intended to induce the latter to lend a favoring ear to the ap llcation Fisher was making to him. It was not, how ever, effectual, as It would have been if it had been understood to involve a tender of official influence, and Mr. Blaine never became a part ner in the enterprise. As showing how Caldwell regarded the matter, the single letter from him produced in the recent installment of letters is of importance. It is a letter to Kisher which Mr. Blaine never saw. It shows that Caldwell was anxious to have Mr. Blame feel kindly toward him and Fisher, an anxiety he would not have shown or felt if he had believed that they had nnder their cntrol over Mr. Blaine's signature proof of his official corruption. HOW BLAINE WAS SWINDLED. 6. Under an arrangement distinct from the abortive negotiations for purchasing an interest In the contract for building the road, bnt prob ably in anticipation of it, and quite likely with a desire to show one of the channels in which lie could be useful, Mr. Blaine received from . Fisher and Caldwell, t'ie contractors for build- * Ing the Fort Smith Road, a considerable amount of its securities. He returned to them the pre- cif prrcentage of value which they were glad to receive from every one else. This was onlv a •mill of the iaoe vain* Ma. fetaine •old to friends In Maine a considerable amount of these securities. His sates were made on varying terms, bnt uniformly involved the payment to Fisher and Caldwell of the precise percentage which they charged to every one else. He made a con siderable apparent profit by selling to friends on terms more favorable to himself than Fishee and Caldwell were willing to sell to him. his profits consisting chiefly in the securities of tha road. He seems to have regarded himself as btiyng trom Usher both the securities he re- tamed and those sold to friends, but in fact thft contracts assumed the form of sales by Elaine on commission, and the payment to him of the securities as his compensation. In the result Fisher and Caldwell secured better terms than they did on those sold to the general public, for they held back the secu ities promised hiin until they had greatly fallen in value, and, finally, on a settlement, withheld from him nearly a third °Lt i e,nt're amount. In other words, by the original aureement, Mr. Blaine was to get no sj.ecial advantage, and in the result he was to be treated worse than others. Mr. Blaine's ref erence, in his letters, to the generous nature of Mr. !• isher softer to him had no reference to this arrangement nnder which he sold securities, bnt referred, as the letters clearly show, to the prop osition that he should become interested as a partner in the contract to build the road. A MAN OF HIS WORD. . *• ^ th? fort Smith project proved unfor tunate Mr. Blaine, even when not bound by-bis agreements so to do, took back the securities he had sold, and through this honorable conduct, and the defaults of those who c'aimed to be his friends, lie eufiered a larue loss and became greatly embariessed pecuniarily. Both the new and the old lette.s--but especially the former-- show that Mr. Blaine was willing to make al most any sacrifice to keep his word to his friends and to pay the obligations he had as sumed. Though ireely denounced on the strength of the letters as a liar, they show that he was emphatically a man of his word. THE ILLUSION L ONCKKMNti HIS GREAT WEALTH. 8. The letters, both new and old, show that after Mr. Blaine had served ten years in Con gress. during all of which time he had been prominent and influential, and during much of which time he had been Speaker, and when this service had occurred during the entire period of war and the years of corrupt opportunities which followed it -in sjite of these opportuni ties, Mr. Blaine was in 1870, 1871, and 187-2 not only not wealthy, but was in such moderate cir cumstances that, even with the securities he earned and received lor selling the Fort Smith bonds, he was wholly unable to pav an accom modation liability of $J5,W0 which he had in curred purely to oblige l' isher, and which the latter ci uelly repudiates. HIS CRITICS' C HARMING INCONSISTENCIES. 9. Some of the expressions used by Mr. Blaine in Congress and in his letters describing the arrangement under which he sold the securities of the road to friends and became possessed of others himself, were not strictly accurate in describing the original form of the transactions. Tluy were correct in deseiibing the results at the time he spoke and wrote. They were, moreover, strictly proper in meeting the charges against which he was defending himself. He was meeting the charge that, owing to his offi cial position, he had ootained securities on bet ter teims than were obtained by other and pri vate persons. He asserted that he had not done so, and this assertion was true. E}ven Fisher and Mulligan swore it was true. In other words, his action was not open to criticism. The language he used in describing and defending his act on has been criticised, but. as we think, with more plausibility than justice. This criticism has come most earnestly from those who boldly assert that a want of chastity is "consistent with the possession of all the qualities which ennoble human nature and dignify human life and make human prog ress possible." These people seem to think want of accuracy of language, want of veracity if-you choose--i hough we do not admit its ex istence in this case--is a greater offense than want of chastity. We do not. THE TRUTH ABOUT NORTHERN PACIFIC. 10. As to the charge relating to tho Northern Pacific Railroad, the facts are simple. Mr. Blaine supposed he could obtain an interest of a one hundred and ninety-second i art in that road for $'26,ooo. As the company was likely to need legislation in Congress he refused to take it himself or to have any interest in it. He proposed to Fisher that he and his friend, Josiah Atkins, should take it. They agreed to do so, and paid to Mr. Blain^ |2.r>,i)00 with which to purchase it. Mr. Blaine was, as it turned out, unable to secure it. though con stantly believing that he should soon do so. Af ter a delay of a year or more, at the request of the parties, he paid back the $'•!.">,ooo with inter est. Mr. Fisher and Mr. Atkins both swore that Mr. Blaine always refused to have any interest in this Northern Pacific business, and that they were confident he never did have any such interest. In 1871 or 1872, after Mr. Fisher became em barrassed, and after a controversy had arisen between him and Mr. Blaine, "the former sought to have the latter pay back the $-25,<JOO, and leave other matters between them unset tled. As there was $'25,000 due Mr. Blaine on account of the money he had raised for Fisher and the road, and as Mr. Fisher owed Mr. Blaine a large amount ot securities, the latter persistently refused to settle by itself the mat ter which would benefit Fisher, but as persist ently urged a lull settlement, which he finally obtained at the expense of a considerable con cession. THAT NATIONAL BANK. 11. The new letters show that Mr. Blaine of fered and exerted his influence to secure for his friends the riuht to establish a national-bank at Little Rock. Every one know* "that, at a time when national banking capital was limited, and by law distributed in arbitrary proportions to the different States, the right to establish a bank was much sought after. At that time we do not believe t here was a Senator or member of Congress who did not repeatedly use his influence in favor of applicants of that sort. It was just as much a matter of course as it was for Senators and members of Congress to seek to secure positions for constituents and friends. AN UNAVOIDABLE INFERENCE. 19. Mr. Blaine is criticised for sending to Mr. Fisher, in 187(>, a draft of a letter, to be signed by him, explaining Mr. Blaine's relations to the Fort Smith Road. We have already referred to criticisms upon some of Mr. Blaine's expres sions, as used in these and other letters. It seems to us that after the evidence which Mr. Blaine had had, that Fisher was not, to say the least, entirely friendly to him, he would not have sought this letter if he had intended to ask Fisher to say anything width was not the truth. Moreover, if Fisher had felt th tt an im proper request had been made of him, why, when a few weeks later, he tes ified before the Congressional committee, did lie make no refer ence to it? If he felt insulted by a request to sign a lie--as our Democratic friends now claim --why did he not find it out till the Democratic committee told him of it eight years later? THE REAL SUPPRESSIONISTS, 13. The charge that Mr. Blaine had received a payment from Caldwell of $fi,000 on ac.ount of the loan of fiM.ooo, and that he suppressed that ! act, and collected that amount over again, is made plausible only by quoting two letters, in which he says he had received that amount, and by deliberately suppressing a later letter, in which he says that Caldwell has since written him that the ffi.ooo is not to be applied on that account, and that he, Caldwell, nolds himself in no way responsible for it. A CONVENIENT ASSUMPTION. 14. Considerable reliance is placed by Mr. Blaine's critics on assertions contained in Fish er's letters. They, in effect, assert that Mr. Blaine is not to bo believed in anything, while they assume that every statement made by Fisher is, by tli- mere fact that he asserts it, proved to be true. They assume this, though his statements are made in the course of a business difference between himself and Mr. Blaine, and though the modest and most spe cific statement he makes--that Mr. Blaine had sold f 100,00') of bonds to Tom Scott--is shown by his own testimony, under oath, to have been made without any knowledge on the subject, but on the strength of statements alleged lo have been made to him by a man far more reputable than himself, and who, under oath, denied having made any such statement to Fisher. A HOSTILE WITNESS IMPEACHED. 15. Mr. Mulligan, who originated in 187fimost of this controversy, was and is a bitter Demo crat, and had become, for personal reasons, hostile to Mr. Blaine, though < laiining then that it was not so He was given a good character for veracity, but was shown by the witnesses to whom he appealed to have misrepresented the facts. THE CONCLUSION OF THE WHOLE MATTER. Finally, we rci>eat what has been said by an other investigator with great force: "The whole circumstances connected with the charges, from the time they were stirred up by a partisan committee in a Democratic Congress down to the present time, show an utter disreeard of all ideas of justice and fairness on the part of those v. ho made and of those who now revive and per sist in them; not only are the inferences sought to be drawn from the re.'l facts forced and un fair, but they are accompanied by gross mis statements and suppression of the evidence, repeated and persisted in after attention has been called to it. There was much more of ap parent plausibility and force in the evidence brought forward to sustain the charges against (ten. Garfield in connection with the Credit- Mobilier scheme than there is to support the charges against Mr. Blaine. Yet Garfield's de fense was accepted as conclusive by many per sons who are now prominent in attacking Blaine. In Garfield's case they indignantly urged that ambiguous acts and language were of no weight against a long and unstained public record. In Mr. Maine's case they hasten to fasten upon and twist language which is a' most am biguous, and refuse Mr. Blaine that charity which every one requires for himself in his daily life. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS may claim to be the champion political blatherskite of this country without fear of hftving the claim challenged. This demagogue is now making speeches in Ohio and Indiana denouncing temperance legis lation, and claiming the right of every man to get drunk as often as he pleases. And yet the 8th of March, 1867, in a discussion of a resolu tion to prohibit the sale of liquors in the Capi tol, he said, as is officially reported in the Con gressional Globe: "I am perfectly willing to vote for this or for any other bill short of put ting to death a man who shall take a drink of liquor." This disgrustins demagogue can hardly open his mouth without uttering a falsehood. His position on the temperance question is hardly less offensive than his boast that he sup ported the Government during the war--a lie which even his own organs have not the courage to back upt-^Atew?* irrintne., • NASBY. Mr. Huby Goes to Few York to Beceive Instructions for a Stumping Tour-* His Attempt and Failuro. î r. I [Toledo BlAde.] M I CONFEDERATE X ROADB ) (Wl|ih Is hi the State nv Kentucky), Sept. 15. 18*4. I reseeved a call from the Nashnel Central Committee to come to Noo York to reseeve in- strukshens for a stumpin toor to okkepy the time from now till Nov. l, wich I gladly obeyed. I never hesitate to respond to a call uv this kind. I git my transportashen from here to Noo York, wich is cVeeper thxn livin at home, for the com- mitty send me money for meels, and ez I sleep most uv the time on the way. to escape the monotony uv travel, I don't reely need the lik ker wich is nessary at home, and then when I am in NO.J York, waltin nn turn, I hev the free run uv the saloons in the Sixth AN ard. Tho'the likker is unusually bad ther is enuff uv it, wich ie some consolasl.cn. I wuz invited up to the coinmitty rooms, and wuz met by the Chairman, the grate Barnnm hisself. "Where shel we send Mr. Ntsby?" said he to the Seferetary. The Sekretary onfolded a map uv the tTnited States wich wuz marked all over in seckshuns. "I t-hood start him in Western Pcnnsylvanv," replied the Sekretary. "We need much work there." "Very good," sed Mr. Barnum, "yoo will com mence work in Pittsburg. Here is the sinopsis uv the speech yoo will make there, and yoo will need to stu lv it keerfully so ez to make no mistakes. Yoo will observe that in Vlttsburg the cotashuns yoo make are from Randall's, speeches on the tariff, wich sroeteto prove that the DimocriSy are pledged toPerteckshnn, solid. Devote your time and energies solely to this pint. Yoo may, however, in Pittsburg, de- nounse the tariff on wool, clalmin it enhances the cost uv clothin uv the workinman, but in sist that the tariff onto iron must and shel be manetaned. Fid out how the people are on pro- hibishn, and act accordingly, When yoo find a ltepublikin Prohibitionist urge him to re main true to his principles and vote for St. John l>y all means; but when yoo run agin a Deinokratic Prohibitionist, show him the folly uv throwln away his vote on a man that can't be electid." ^1 understand," I sed. "This is deer sailin'." And I took the sinopsis uv the Pittsburg speech. "From Pittsburgh yoo will perceed over into Ohio. I warn you that you must keep sober in Ohio, and must yoose discreshun and cawshun In the iron deestriks the Pittsburgh speech will do. But remember this: when yoo git into the agricultural seckshuns you must study this 01 her speech. [He bandid me another manoo- script. I In this one Pimocrisy is pledged to free trade, with a few excepshuns. Thus, when yoo are in the graztn conntits in the interior, you must insist that the tariff onto wool shel be maintained; and also when yoo are up in the grape region insist that the tariff on wine shel not be disturbed. When yoo cross the lines into seckshuns where ther ain't no manufacturin', yoo must argoo that free trade is the only safe guard the people hev agin monopoly. And " "Kin yoo tell me the counties wher I must talk tariff on wool and wine, and the counties where Imusn'tV It wood be okknrd to git mixed on these things." Mr. Barnum perdoosed a map with lines drawn all over it. "Certainly. We hev maps prepared for the y oseuvall our speakers. These counties on the line uv the lake wich is colored purple are wine counties, and wher ther is white lines drawd thro there is wool ez well et wine. Wher there is a black cross onto em ther is manufak- ters ez well ez wine and wool. In sich counties yoo must urge a pertective tariff onto every thing. In the comities marked 'wine excloos- ively' the perteckshun must be confined to wine alone, and likewise in the pure wool counties to wool alone. "Sometimes ther is wine In a part uva county, and sometimes wool only in apart uv a county, and in sich cases " "Great Scott!" I cxclafmed, "but I can't do this! I can't hev a dozen speeches prepared. How am I to perceed with sich a mixed np mess?" "The process is simple, though great care must lie observed. On arrivin at an appint- ment yoo must tske out the map and see wher yoo are Then on arrivin at yer hotel select from yer valise--the committv will furnish yoo a valise in wich to ke»p yer cieen shirts " "The committy will likewise hev to furnish the cleen shirts, or ther will be no yoose fur the valise, onless it is to keep the manooscrips, wich, uv itself, will rekwire a very large one." "We shel furnish the valise and the cleen shirts. We hev to do this with all our speekers, ceptin sich ez Carl Shurts, wich we pay reglar prices to per nite, fur speekin fur Cleveland and Reform. By the time yoo hev filled these ap- pintments we will send yoo another route, and so on till November, when we hope victry will hev crowned our efforts, and yoo shel retire to yoor Postoffls at the Cross Roads the follerin March." * • « * « « * Mr. Barnum gave me money and transporta shen to Pittsburg, and I departed happy. I felt good wunst more to hev a dollar In my pokkit, and not to feer the approach uv the condukter. I hev bin dreppt off the hind eend uv tranes so many times that It is monotonous. One kin *it thru the kentry by be in kicked off one trane and waltin for the next to come, only to be kicked off that, bat it is warln onto the seet ny the trousis. f » /» • » • / I t wuz! a unforchnit vencher I wuz onlucky enuff to git into the city in the mornin, and I re ported to the Centrel Committy. The yoosual thing ensood. I wuz invited to take suthin, wich I hed not the Spartan firmnis to refooze. One drink led to another, fur the active Dimocrisy uv Pittsbugh is drouthy, and by the time night hed come and I hed got onto the platform I wuz fuller than a gote. I opened up my valise and commenced my speech. When I hev manooscript I kin speek, drunk or sober, and I did speek. Did I speek for any length of time? Indeed I did not. Ther cum up from that awjence such a storm uv imprecashuns, sich a howl uv derishun, sich a mingling uv profanity ez never wuz heerd. I sposed it wuz ther way uv applaudin, and went on, smilin, till a passel uv em rushed up on the platform and histed me off, and hustled me out into the street. The next morning I seed it all. I hed, in my iutoxicashen, taken my free-trade speech out uv the valise, and was firia that off at a Pitts burg awjence, every man uv wich wuz a iron manoocfakter. Llka a drunken ass, I w uz demonstratin to a awjence uv workers in iron that a tariff on iron wuz wuss nor highway robbery, and doin it un der the authority ot the Dimokratic Nashnel Sentrel Committy! It wuz a mercy that I wuzn't killed on the spot. Mr. Barnum heerd uv it, and to-wnnst of fered me to either take an oath never to tetch likker agin or percccd home. lie writ thus: "In a campano like ours, wich is mixed, abso- loot sobriety is essenshel to prevent mistakes. A man with likker in him cannot be trusted to carry about 12 different speeches, adapted to the wants of 12 different sets uv opinyuns. No man can be a Dimekratic campane speeker this yeer wich cannot be trusted to take the right speech out uv his valise." Uv course I can't travel, or, fnr that matter, stay at home, without my regler supplies, and so I reslned. Better occashnel drinks at Bas- com's than none at all on the road. Regler eatin is suthin, bnt regler drinks is more nes sary. I hope to get an appointment to speek in one seckshun, wher one speech will answer, but I will take no more mixed chances. PETROLEUM V. NASBT (Victim uv Appetite). THAT MISSING LETTER. How It Has Servinl as a Pitfall for Some Malignant Newspaper. ["Gath" in the Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.1.1 In 1870 Blaine went into the room of a friend of mine and said: "These Democrats are going to meke an eflort to tear me all to pieces. Now, 1 have got these letters this fellow Mulligan has been hawking around here. They were my let ters, and not his, and I took tbem, and 1 pro pose to read them in Congress. What do you think about it?" The friend, who was accustomed to think whatever Blaine did was right, said: "I leave that to you. You will probably do it well." Blaine then said: "There is one letter more than these, and that scamp, I believe, has kept or stolen It. I am sure, however, there is an other letter. But I unfortunately have never kept copies of my letters, and, therefore, I have no data." So Blaine sot up in Congress, read his statement, and said that there was one let ter missing. That missing letter has been a good test and talisman of the capacity of a good many of these assuming newspajjers to get at the bottom of anything. The New York Tuni s and the Evening Post kept insisting that Blaine had suppressed this letter. He said the letter was not in the package. Behold Fisher and Mulligan came out with their second batch, and they have all this while been dumb as oys ters and allowed Blaine to be accused of sup pressing that letter, when they kne>v otherwise. They print the letter, and the Blaine newspa pers start the run on their opponents. Deiiorracj's Two (inns. The Democratic party in this campaign relies upon two guns--the shotgun in the South and the squirtgun in the North. With murder at one end and Mulliganism at the other, it may be said to be the party of Cain and Calumny--a great moral association of the assassins of both Kinds--those who assassinate men and those who assassinate men's characters. They do well to forgive Cleveland. It is the custom of such oeople to shake hands with the hangman before he swings them off.--Boston Traveller. SENATOR HOAR, of Massachusetts, in the course of a speech he made last week, made a good point In regard to the Democratic tendency to avoid arguments on principles and to resort to blackguardism of Republican candidates. "When," said he, "the question was whether slavery should be extended into the Territories, they met our arguments by calling Abraham Lincoln a baboon. When we had the question whether the amendmen's to the Constitution should be maintained, they answered by saying Grant was a drunkard. We had the question whether elections should be free in the South, and they answered by making all manner of charges against Garfield. But the American pQOpllS terttion from these great questions which are to determine the histoid of a great people for hun dreds of years, or permit themselves to be di- Viertjd these personal and spiteful slanders. Now the Democratic party is trying the same thing again." GARFIELD AXP BLAINE. Halstead's Conversation with the President. [New York telegram.] .. , Halstead telegraphs the following to the Cincinnati Com in err in I- dinette : There is a venomous assault upon Mr. Blaine touching his relations with President Garfield. The occasion is the call that Mr. Blaine makes upon Mrs. Garfield. The attack is not import ant, but its meanness is shocking. In this con nection I have received letters asking whether it is true that I liad a conversation with President Garheld about his relations with Blaine a short time before the horrible deed ot murder by Guiteau. The fact that I had such a conversa tion has been several times published, but it may be well to state the substance of it again. T.he time of this last talk with Garfield was be tween 10:3o and 11:80 o'clock on the evening of Thursday, the last li ght of June, INSt, and the place t he White House. The fatal shot was fired the following Saturday morning, Jnly 2. The substance of what l'resident Garfield said about Blame was: First, that no one acquiesced more readily and cheerfully than Blaine wiih the an- I\ou.n5.ement ma<le at the first Cabinet meeting that the members would be expected tc confine themselves to their respective departments. AH had been careful not to cross the lines tnus drawn and none more so than Mr. Blame. President Garfield further said "".t J8 to the New York appointments which had made such a commotion, the whole responsibility was with himself, and that he re garded the imputations upon Blaine in that con nection as i articularlv offensive, because they were attempts to belittle his (the President's") part in his own administration. He said the ap- pointments as they were made were a surprise to Blaine as to others. The simple truth about that matter was that President Garfield, feeling greatly disturbed by the New York difficulties, thought to solve them by a bold stroke that would lie a sufficient notice of his purpose to be himself President aud to recog nize his own friends, and after the shock he had it in mind to deal generously with those who had been against him. He believed it was his duty first to assert himself, and it was his cherished purpose after that to make peace and heal all the wounds that had been inflicted in the warfare of factions. It would be vain now to discuss the wisdom of the policy of President Garfield. The effort to belittle him by accusing Blaine, to which he referred, and which he re sented in his conversation with me, has been continued, and I have only to add that the im partial student of thi« unhappy chapter of his tory will find that all the events are consistent with the theory that l'resident Garfield, who deeply felt his responsibility as the Chief Mag istrate, w as stung by the charge tSst he was weak in will and was blown about and pulled around by various iR rsons, and he meant by his action in the New York appointments to make known that he was the President, and must be considered accordingly. FATHER O'REILLY'S VIEWS. A Distinguished Western Catholic Priest on Blaine. The Rev. Father O'Reilly, of Detroit, one of the most prominent clergymen in the West, Treasurer of the Irish National Leairue, who opened one day's session of the late Republican Convention at Chicago with praver, in an in terview in the Keening Journal of Detroit, said in reterence to Blaine: "My preference for him is based upon his public administration as Secretary of State, and his personal abilities. I regard him as the man who to-dav pre-emi nently presents the American idea. He was the first. American statesman who, in a responsible l>osition in the Government, dared to assert the national attitude I con-ider becoming to 5o,ot»o,- 000 of people since the davs when .lames Buchan an was Minister to Madrid. During the war Great Britain took advantage of our difficulties and forced our Government to accept everv con ceivable humiliation at her hands. It seems to me that since that time onr Secretaries of State and Ministers generally have been modeling their conduct upon the humiliating correspond ence of Mr. Seward, and they called that states manship. The foreign courts have become used to it, and when Mr. Blaine presented to them the national views of the American people, they were proportionately astonished, and cried out against the brusque garb of his dispatches. I dare to believe that his correspondence will bear a striking resemblance to the spirit which used to breathe in the messages of the old statesmen of the republic. I do not believe that a great people like ours is content to remain in the Igno ble position in respect to foreign governments which we now occupy, and Mr. Blaine seems to me to be the expression of ihis sentiment, which is sinking day after day deeper and deep er into the hearts of the American people." Omitted by Schurz. The Chicago Tr ibune pointedly asks: How many men In Carl Schurz' audience knew: 1. That the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railway bill passed both houses of Congress unani mously. 2. That Mr. Blaine's ruling on it was right and just, and could not have been withheld in honor. :i. That when It was made he did not have the acquaintance of a single person interested in the road or instrumental in promoting the passage of the bill. 4. That he alluded to his connection with the bill after his interest in the road had been ob tained. fi. That the bill was a declaratory statute merely, not granting lands nor reviving a dor mant or lapsed grant, and conferring no original nor substantial rights nor benefits. 6. That the investment was a losing one. 7. That Mr. Blaine honorably shouldered all the loss and restored to his friends every cent they had invested in the bonds on his repre aentations. 8. That in the letters addressed to Fisher he said he had done the friends of the bill "a ser vice irithout knowing it." 9. That instead of obtaining a favor through the managers of the road he suffered a severe pecuniary loss. 10. That his ruling as Speaker was in no sense caused by his interest in the road, but was six months antecedent to his obtaining a share in it. 11. That he did not rule in favor of the bill (which passed both houses unanimously) be cause he was Interested in the road, but became interested in the road because his attention was directed to it during the passage of the bill through Congress. 12. That the land grant was simply restored to the State of Arkansas, which conferred it upon the road. 13. That the justice of the bill continuing the grant and the rightfulness of Mr. Blaine's ruling in point of law have not been disputed from that day to this, and cannot be. "These facts," adds the Tribune, "may be read in the documents of the case by any pei son who will peruse them; yet piobably not one in one hundred of those who listened to Mr. Scliurz's bitter, distorted, and unfair presentation of the facts will take the trouble to go to original sources for information. As an example of snppressio reri, suggestio falsi, nothing to equal Mr. Schurz's speech has recently been heard in this part of the country." In every particular above the Tribune tells the exact truth, as Mr. Schurz would himself admit could he be compelled to answer hon estly. Democratic Mistakes. If the Democrats have done anything but make mistakes in this canvass, the public have to notice it. Thev made a mistake when they nominated an unknown man against one of the best men in the country. They made a mistake when they announced that "The Irish may go, d---n 'em." Thev ma le a mistake when they quarreled wit'i John Kelly and invited htm to go also, "blank him." Thev made a mistake when they denied the Halpin scandal, then admitted and explained it by an explanation that didn't explain worth shucks. They made a mistake when they hired Purk to caricature and blackguard the Irish. They made an awiul mistake when they con cluded that i'at wouldn't take his shillalah and smash things in return for insults and black guarding. They made a mistake when they nominated a man for Vice President who would stop in the middle of the race and go to ciphering whether it would be better to take off the head of the ticket and put him at the head. They made a mistake when they supposed they could cheat the people on the tariff ques tion, and "palter with them in a double sense" in regard to it, and win. They made a mistake when they put Morey- Letter Barnum, Prince & Co. to run a reform campaign. They made a mis ake when they got up that slanderous story about Mr. and Mrs. Blaine. For proof, write Shoemaker,Indianapolis Sen tinel. Thus they have piled mistake upon mistake all the way through. But the people will put a full and final stop to this bluadeiing business. There is no mistake about that, anyhow.-- Washington Critic, 1 DON'T know anything about the stories that have been told in regard to Mr. Grover Cleve land's history, and I am not prepared to say whether they would make, him more or less fit for the discharge of the executive functions of President of the United States. We have the testimony of an expert as to the truth or false hood of these allegations--the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, who has devoted his lifetime to the ex amination of such matters, and. I suppose, will be recognized as--and is probably--an authority upon all such matters; and he says, after care fully and minutely examining the allegations against Mr. Grover Cleveland, that, while they are true, there are palliating circumstances, skid that he was young at the time, being only 42 years of age.--Speech by Senator Ingalls, at Atchison, Kan., Sept. 17 MB. P. T. BABHUM. who has totally abstained from liquor for nearly forty years and who has devoted much time and money to the temper ance cause, was recently asked to contribute $">0 toward the purchase of a St. John banner to be raised at Bridgepoii. His reply was: "I am opposed to any such unwise proceeding, and would sooner pay to have it stopped. Every man who reflects, reads, and learns his own in terest and desires the prosperity and perma- Aaaawafc aad a. iaaht, ernment, securing the greatest good to the greatest number, will vote the Republican tick et and not be misled by noisy misnamed Demo crats or generally honest, noble-hearted tem perance people who injure their can^e by enter ing national politics and thus helping the great - est eone Under which » e suffer. A HUMANE ACfc Hr. Blaine's Dispatch, While Secretary of State, Regarding the P&rsecntad Bnssian Jews. The following are the essential portions of a heretofore unpubUshed dispatch by ex-Secre tary Blaine concerning the condition of the Jews in Russia, which has recently been pro* cured from the State Department: DEPARTMENT OF BTATE, WASHINOTOH, I James R. Lowell. Esq.: Nov' 188»- ' Sre: You will remember that with your dis patch of the '.Oth of Julv last you transmitted a memorandum of the laws and police regulations of Russia affecting persons of the Hebrew faith which you had received irom Sir Charles Dilke! one of her Majesty's Under Secretaries of State for Foreign Affairs. Although n-o information was then given as to the motive of this courteous and very acceptable communication, I naturally inferred that it was in a measure the result of th?consultaticns which the United States Minis ter at St. Petersburg bad been directed to hold in formally with his British colleague at that court touching the treatment of such American or Brit.sh .lews as should, because of business en gagements or other causes calling them to Rus sia, unfortunately find themselves under the operation of the prescriptive laws of the empire against all Israelites, native or foreign. The question has for some years very seriously en gaged the at tention of this Government, as pre sented in the cases of American citizens of He brew iaith, visiting Russia on peaceful, law- abiding errands. Under the direction of the late President Garfield, the representation of what we believed to be onr just claims in the premises was vigorously renewed, through the United States Minister at St, Petersburg, by means «f instructions, of which I inclose for your information copies, with the relative an nexes. These Instructions still properly reflect the views of this Government that there should be a change in the treatment of American Israel ites in Russia. In view of the circumstance that the case of Mr. Lewisohn, a British sub ject expelled from the Russian capital at that time, attracted the attention of her Majesty's Government, it seems to the President that the almost identical interests of the two Gov ernments in the premises justifies simi lar, and, if practicable, concurrent action on their part, and to that end I write yon the present instructions. The dispatches of the American Minister at St. Petersburg show that the Russian Minister for Foreign Af fairs has made frequent assertions of a strong desire on the part of his Government to seek a solution which would harmonize all interests. While declining to admit that the existing con vention may exempt American citizens trom. ab ject submission to the religious laws of the land, the Minister has on several occasions promised that the military authorities. In the enforcement of those laws, would give to Amer ican citizens the widest practicable latitude in interpreting the obligations ot the statutes. In point ot fact, it is believed that American (and presumably British) sojourners in Russia enjoy, under the almost absolute discretionary powers of the imperial military commanders, the ex- tremest privileges and immunities which are granted to any foreigner. The Government conceives, however, that it should not be con tent with leaving the persons and the ma terial interests ot its citizens in Russia to the discretionary control of the military arm, how ever friendly its declared purpose may be. And in this conception it may very properly assume to be joined by her Majesty's Government, which has ever been so watchfully jealous of the moral freedom of Its subjects in foreign lands. The statements of the Russian Government that it was about to seek a harmonious solution have been supplemented by very distinct indi cations of the probable direction in which the "solution" will be sought. There is, unfortun ately, little doubt that the Imperial Govern ment contemplates even more sharply defined restrictive measures against native Hebrews, apj)ai ently under the belief that bv repressing their "injurious activity," as it is phrased, the causes of discontent which the native Christians feel against the Jews will be measurably les sened, and internal harmony between these con flicting elements be restored It can not but be Inexpressibly painful to the enlightened statesmen of Great Britain, as well as of America, to see a discarded prejudice of the dark ages gravely revived at this day--to witness an attempt to base the |>olicy of a great and sovereign state on the mistaken theory that thrift is a crime of which the unthrifty are the innocent victims, and that discontent and dis affection are to be diminished by increasing the causes from which they arise. No student of history need l>e reminded of the lessons taught by the persecutions of the Jews in Central Europe and on the Spanish peninsula. Then, as in Russia to-day, the Hebrew fared hetter in business than his neighbor; then, as now, his economy and patient industry bred capi tal, aud capital bred envy, and envy persecution, ant. persecution disaffection and social sepai ation. The old tradition moves in its unvarying circle. The Hebrews are made a people apart from other people, not of their own volition, but because they have been repressed and ostracized by the communities in which they resided. The ghetto of medieval times still teaches its eloquent lesson which the nations have done well to heed. In Great Biltain and in the United States the Israelite is not segre gated from his fellow men. His equal part in our social frame work is unchallenged; his thrift and industry add to the wealth of the state, and his loyalty and patriotism are unquestioned. It was perfectly clear to the mind of the late President that an amelioration of the treatment of American Israelites in Russia could only re sult from a very decided betterment of the con dition of the native Hebrews; that any steps taken toward the relief of one would necessarily react in favor of the other, and that, under all the peculiar and abnormal aspects of the case, it is competent and proper to urge the subject u|)on the attention of Russia. To his successor in the chief magistracy these conclusions are no less evident, and I am charged by the President to bring the subject to the formal attention of her Britannic Majesty's Government, in the firm belief that the community of interests be tween the United States and Kngland in this great question of civil rights and equal tolerance of creed tor their respective citizens in foreign lands, willvlead to consideration of the matter, with a vlSw to common action thereon. It would seem, moreover, a propitious time to initiate a movement which might also embrace other powers whose service in the work of progress is commensurate with our own, to the end that Russia may be beneficially influenced by their cumulative representations, an i that their several citizens and subjects visiting the territory of the empire on law-observing mis sions of private interest shall no longer find there subjection to military forms and proce dure which obtains nowhere el>e in Europe. You may read this dispatch to Lord Gran ville. and, If he desires it, leave him a copy. You will say to him at the same time that, while abating no part of his intention to press upon the Russian Government the just claim of American citizens to less harsh treatment in the empire by reason of their faith, the Presi dent will await with pleasure an opportunity for a free interchange of views upon the sub ject with the Government of her Majesty. I am, sir, etc., JAMES G. BJ.AINE. ill for Sale. Burdette: A Democrat, my son, is a very cheap animal, if the Democratic papers testify truthfully about their own party. "If money can make Ohio Republican," says one of them, "it will go Republican." "Voters in Maine were bought up and marched to the polls in droves to vote the Republican ticket," says the New York Worhl. Now, when a party buys voters it doesn't buy its own voters. It has them already. It goes into the market where men of the oppo sition are for sale, and it buys them like cattle. It the Democratic papers tell the truth, then, the members of their own party are for sale: they can be bought; they will vote as Carl Shurz speaks--for money. And this is the party to which George William Curtis has gone in search of "pure men" and lofty patriotism. Come back, Mr. Curt is--come back to the old party while you < an come back honestly. For, it you stay among those fellows two years, as sure as fate we can send a man like Dorsey to buy you and bring you back with a collar on. We'd rather you came back honorably and vol untarily; but in two years from date, if yon still remain in the camp of the Mugwumps, we can buy you if we want you. Come back, George, before we order your collar. The Coyote Cry. The Cleveland organs that are wasting pre cious time in howling "Mulligan" should ask themselves a.few questions. Can the cry of Mulligan" reconcile Ameri can workmen to the lower wages that must needs follow reduction of the tariff on the Mor rison plan'.' Can it excuse the Governor's action in vetoing the five cent fare bill «on the ground of uncon stitutionality, while the statute-book of the State is studded with similar laws that have stood thete-:t of litigation? Can it persuade the car-driver that his hours of labor are short enough, and that the man who took the trouble to veto a bill for his re lief. which had passed both branches of the Legislature, should be rewarded with the Presi dency? Can it convince the Knights of Labor and the trade unions that the mechanics' lien bill was an unjust measure, and that it was vetoed out of friendship to the workman? Unless the coyote cfy can do all these things Its repetition is only a waste of time.--Brook lyn Times. The Irish Revolt Cannot Be Ignored. Preposterous as it seems, it would be shutting one s eyes to patent facts to deny that the Blaine adherents have at last made an impres sion upon the Iiish vote of New York. The meeting at Brooklyn a few nights aeo, the gathering at the Academy of Music Thursday night, and the attitude of some Irishmen in the West, such as Congressman Finerty, testify to the fact that the Irish voting contingent can not be relied upon solidly for the Democratic ^rty^n November.-- Boston Transcript Ulnii- W. JOHN ACCEPTS. He Regards Prohibition as • More Important Issue than the Tariff floaest aad Sober Government 1 Under Existing CM* ditions. _ „ _ OLATHE, Kan., Sept.96. The Hon. Samuel Dickie, Chairman of Com* mittee, eto. MY DEAR SIB: In formally accepting the nomination for President tendered me by the National Prohibition Convention at Pittsburg, Pa., Julv 2H, 18X-4,1 take the opportunity to state that while the honor was neither sought nor de sired by me, yet it is greatly appreciated, be stowed as it was by a convention composed of delegates who, in point of moral worth and mental ability, were fully equal, if not superior- to any politii al convention that ever assem bled in this country. The war for the Union is over; the rebellion has been crushed; African slavery abolished; eld issues have passed away, and with them should go old prejudices and sec tional strife. To-day the products of the North and the South float in friendly relations in the same channels, under the same flag, every section ot our country acknowledging allegiance to the same Govern ment. There never was m time when our peo ple could better afford to, and when it was more important that they should, stop and think, than now. With manufactories shutting down, banks breaking, merchants failing in business, securities unsettled. Western wheat si lting at the home market for 40 cents per bushel, and hundreds ot thousands of indus trious mechanics and laboring men who are willing to work but can get nothing to do, it seems to me that the time has come for the peo ple, who are the source of all political power, to call a halt, and stop ami think, for there must be a reason for this condition of things. The little time and space the old parties can spare after dealing out the full measure of per sonal abuse and vilification that each seems to think the other merits, is mainly devoted to a discussion^ of the tariff question, ignoring all matters that relate to .the moral elevation of the people. I am of the opinion that the manu facturer who, by reason of the depressed con dition of business, has been compeded to make an assignment for the benefit of his creditors, will not find relief in the agitation of that ques tion now, nor will the average farmer become very ent husiastic over its discussion, with his wheat not worth as much in the bin as it cost him to produce it. The amount received by the Government for duties on imports is less than $200,UUO,OUO an nually. There are about 175,000 retail dealers in intox- icatlmt liquors in the United States, each of whom pays to our Government $'25, in considera tion of which sum they are permitted to carry on their business for the term of twelve months. When we add to this the amount paid by distill ers, brewers, and wholesale liquor dealors, we find that the interest ot the Government in the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors is about $8c,(iOO,ut»o annually. This traffic, sanctioned as it is by the laws of our country, costs the people at a low estimate, a thousand million dollars a year, not to speak Of the destroyed homes, debauched manhood, poverty, heartache, crime, and corruption It produces. This disgraceful business should be sup pressed, and the enormous sum of money that nnder the present system is thrown away, saved to the people, and tlfus a protection would be given to the industries of this coun try that would enable us successfully to throw our doors wide open to the competition of the world. The Republican and Democratic parties favor a continu nee of the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage, while the Prohibition party demands that the same shall be forever suppressed. Thus an Issue is pre sented to the people in which is involved tiie protection ot every home in the land. It is not a mere local issue, either, but it is a national, as well as a practical question, upon which a large an t respectable body ot citizens--against whose convictions party discipline is powerless--have decided to vote, and they will not be found halt ing between two opinions in this matter, but will work and pray and vote avtainst this great evil until it is driven from our land, never to re turn. The Government is simply the reflex of the individuals composing it. If we want an hon- ebt, sober Government we must have an honest, sober people. But we can never have an honest, sober people so long as the Government sanc tions that which makes its citizens dishonest, drunken, and corrupt. The declaration of principles, which I hearti ly indorse, as set forth in the platform of the Prohibition party, is entitled to the thoughtful consideration and earnest support of all good citizens without regard to locality or former political affiliation. Our country needs an ad ministration that will rise above mere partisan considerations, and in the select on of public officials make honesty, sobriety, and ettic.ency, and not service to party, the test. It should be conducted, not in the interest ot any particular section, party, race, or color, but in the interest of the whole people. To accomplish this all good citizens should promptly step to the front and be counted for the right. This is no time for dodging. Moral cowardice will never win, and surely never deserve a victory. Then let us look to God for His guidance, and fearlessly and faithfully do our whole duty, never doubting that He will take care of the re mits. Very truly your friend, JOHN P. ST. JOBS. IRISH REPUBLICANS. National Convention at Cincinnati. A National Convention of Irish Republicans was held in Cincinnati last week, about 2 0 dele gates, loo of whom were from Ohio, being in at tendance. A. L. Morrison, of New Mexico, oalled the convention to order and made a brief ad dress, saying its object was to use every effort to elect Blaine and Logan and give notice to all parties in this country that it is dangerous to have any alliance with the British press or British Government. A. L. Morrison was made Chairman and J. J. Geghan, of Ohio, Secretary. The report of the Committee on Resolutions was adopted. The resolutions ratify the nomination of -Blaine and Logan; de clare unalterable opposition to the free trade doctrines of the Democratic narty; say the American people are competent to control their domestic affairs, and need no lessons from a government from which they had wrested their liberty with arms, and against whose cruisers they had to fight during the late rebellion; declare in favor of the Monroe doctrine, and that an attempt by any European power to seize, fortify, or control the Panama Canal, or any other waterway across this continent, should be resisted to the utmost by every republic on the American continent. 1 hey further say the nomination ot Cleveland was made against the Interest of the Irish and other industrial classes, and in an insulting manner. A committee was appointed to convey the resolutions to J. G. Blaine. GOUT. HENDRICKS. The Democratic Vice-Presidential Candi date at liOUisville. Ex-Gov. Hendricks visited the city of Louis ville, Ky., on the invitation of the Exposition managers, and was given a cordial reception. In the evening, says a dispatch from that city, "he was escorted to the Exposition Building, where, in spite of tne fact that rain was falling in torrents, he was enthusiastically received by 20,000 people, who gave him a Kentucky wel come. As he entered the building, Gilinore's band played ' Hail to the Chief," changing later to familiar national airs. The distinguished visitor was happily introduced by Col. Bennett H. Young, President of the Exposition. Mr. Hendricks then made a timely anil appropriate address for the occasion. He was simply a vis itor and guest of the Exposition, and the sub ject of politics was not mentioned in his short si>cech. He left the building amid tremendous cheering, and returned to his hotel." Iowa Prohibitionists Nominate an Elec toral Ticket. Marshalltown (Iowa) dispatch: The State Pro hibition Convention of lowa met in this city for the purpose of putting in nomination an elec toral and State ticket. The attendance was large. The convention was organized by the election of Charles Hutchinson, of Oskaioosa, as Chairman, aud E. K. Howard, of Albion, Secre tary. Rev. Blanchard.of Chicago, and Mr. Hall, of College Springs, Iowa, addressed the conven tion at considerable length, urging f he need of the Prohibition party of the State vindicating their honor by placing in nomination an elec toral ticket for St. John and also a full State ticket. The convention was harmonius and en thusiastic. A full electoral ticket was nomi nated. The electors-at-large are Samuel Boone, of Van Buren County, and Joseph Steer, of Ce dar County. The nomination of the State and Congressional tickets was left to the Executive Committee. Ex'Senator Grady's Reception in Buffalo. Buffalo telegram: Benjamin F. Butler, Thomas F. Grady, and George Blair arrived here last evening. They were driven to the Genesee Hotel, where a platform had been built. Butler spoke for over an hour on the People's party, practically the same as his New York speech, except allusion to Cleveland's home. He was listened to attentively. He was followed by Grady, who tried for an hour and a half to make himself heard, but did not si eak ten minutes. There was terrible confusion. The police were powerless. There were con tinued che:rs for Cleveland and hisses for Grady. The meeting closed with great excite ment. At one time Grady called upon his friends to knock down the men who were dis turbing the meeting. Many insulting epithets were hurled at him. ENTERPRISING sporting men of LeadviUe are about to open "a gambling-house for ladies in the carbonate camp." THE police of New York are aoon to b* ILLINOIS STATE NEWS, --Dundee is now shipping 700 can* tti milk daily to Chicago. --A biannh of the Yopng Men's Christian Association has been organized at Belle ville. --The artesian well at the Genera Grape* sugar Refinery has reached a depth of 1,200 feet --Mrs. Helm, of Shabbona, has raised 500 chickens this year, all hatched in an ia- cubator. --The Starch Works in Danville are now limning at a capacity of 1,000 bushels of corn per day. --A new tight-page paper called tha P«- - trol has been started at Geneva, edited by J. N. Wheeler. --Milen Willis committed suicide near Elgin. He was a large owner of lands b Iowa and Texas, and had been ill for soma time. --The Elgin Courier says that four huge eels/the shortest nearly four feet in length, stopped a water-wheel near Elgin w*y: cently. --A company has been incorporated ttl Springfield, with a capital of $2,000,009, to- build a railway from that city, via Shelbj- ville, to Mount Cormel. --A: J. Hill, of Rock Island, who at tempted to assassinate Geo; Bailey on the 30th of May last, while attending Decora tion Day seirices, has been adjudged in sane. . • --Timothy' Howard, white,, was ffttaQjr shot by Samnel Somers, colored, at Chisa go. Howard's Wife struck Somers with an ax on the head, inflicting a dangerous wound. 7 he murder grew out of a S0# between the wives of the two men. --The Hock Eiver Conference found the Rev. R. M. Smith, of Sterling, guilty of immoral practices, and has accordingly ex pelled him. Mr. Smith win appeal to ttl# Judicial Conference. • --A former living in Bond County, while plowing, a day or two ago, upturned tho roots of an old stump, nnder which ho found a nest of- spreading adders. Kit- son killed fifty-seven of the reptiles. --George Gee, a married man of Dan ville, has been arrested at Minneapolis, Minn., on the charge of abducting a voting woman "from that place. Gee pretended that he had a divorce from his wife, and would many her. • --A correspondent of the Detroit JYse Press says in Chicago every nationality has its parks. Garfield Park is the American park, Lincoln the German, Humboldt the Scandinavian. Donglas the Irish, and SoaQt Park for the dndes. --Payson Trask, 50 years old, of Fulton, Whiteside County, committed suicide by cutting his throat and severing an artery in his arm with a razor. He had been side for three weeks, but was convalescent. He was temporarily deranged. --Daniel Langenbucher was tried before Judge Shepard, at Chicago, for the killing of John Mohr at Willow Springs, June 18; The indictment was for manslaughter, Mohr - having died at the County Hospital the day after the alleged assault. The jury re mained out twenty minutes, and returned a verdict of "Not guilty." --The case against William Ferria auî Belle Hall, for complicity in the murder of Farmer McMahon and his two men at Mount Pulaski in 1882. was stricken from the docket in the Circuit Court at Lincoln. This is considered singular, aa Belle Hall's husband was sentenced for life last May oa precisely the same evidence aa was held against the other defendants. --Edward S. Ellis, Superintendent ot Publio Schools, of Trenton, N. J., de-, scribes, in the Current of Sept. 27, "The Massacre at Chicago," his sketch being a most valuable and interesting contribution to the pioneer annals ot the West, present-* ing, as it does, in the most graphic and! thrilling manner, an episode that forms onej of the most important chapters in tbe his-: tory of the great cities of the Mississippi Valley. --The Northern Illinois Teachers' Asse- ciation met at Aurora and elected the fol-T lowing officers for the ensuing year: Preai-* dent, R. F. Baibour, Rockford; Vice Presi-j dent, Miss E. J. Todd, Aurora; Secretary^ W. H. Ray, Hyde Park; Treasurer, F. T.I Oldt, Lanark; Executive Committee, G. I. Talbott, DeKalb; C. O. Scudder, Dixon;- Miss Anna Franklin, Belvidere; Committee on Legislation, O. S. Cook, W. B. and ^Leslie Lewis. --Of the 502 patients admitted to the in-1 sane hospital of Cook County during thai past year, 282 were men and 220 women. As far as known, 110 of the men were sin-' gle, 81 married, and 7 widowers; of the ̂ women 111 were single, 57 married, and 8 widows. As to nationalities, 55 of the men and 45 of the women (100) were native Americans; 55 men and 41 of the women (96) were Germans; 47 of the men and 53 of the women (100) were Irish; 19 of the men and 17 of the women (36) were Swedes. --A young clergyman of considerable promise has been ministering to the CoHfc* gregational Church in Roodhouse for fottr months, and it has been announced that he would be ordained this week. On Sunday morning he appeared to be in distress of mind, and going to the residence of tha Rev. Mr. Starkey, of the Cumberland Church, he induced that gentleman to a«~ company him and open the morning serv ice. After singing, the young preach** created a profound sensation by announcing that he did not believe he had ever been converted, that he had been trying to teaoll what he knew nothing about, and that could not preach any more. --Mr. B. L. Cunningham, ex-Circuit Clerk, has opened a coal-mine in tha southwestern part of Lawrence County, the capacity of which is pronounced unlimited. A correspondent at Bridgeport writes: The vein is only sixteen inches thick, but it lies within five feet of the surface of the ground. The quality is a medium-soft coal, and it is sold 3 cents a bushel cheap«f than the same quality of coal can be ship* ped here. Mr. James Dunkp, a farmer north of here, found a couple of veins fifteen inches thick on his farm some tina sinoe, and has just found a vein over three feet thick in the bottom of an old we& This last discovery is of the most value* and it is believed that coal-mining vtt become the leading business here in tha future. --The enrollment of achoola o< DeKalb laat