$$fPenrg flatadealn 1. VAN SLYKE, Etf tor ami PUWMMT. McHENBY, ILLINOIS. THEBK is fi> veritable "man-milliner" . in the new British Parliament in the person of Mr. Isaacson, Tory member for Stepney, whose business alias is Mme. Elise, of Regent street. His Inillinery establishment is very fashion- Able and profitable. AN experiment to test the speed of the swallow's flight has been made at Pavia, in Italy. Two hen birds were "taken from their broods, carried to Milan, and then released at a given hour. Both got back to their nests in fifteen minutes, which gave their rate of speed At eighty-seven and t half miles an -hour. . A LITTLE boy playing in an old log- house at Kicliwoods, Mo., lost a marble through the floor, and crawled under the house to get it. He found there a tin pail full of "gold and silver coin. The amount proved to be $1,000. It tras the property of an old gentleman Of the place, who had hidden it there in 1804, and afterward, not finding it readily thought it had been stolen IT is on the bills that Lady Maud £)gilvie, daughter of the late Earl of Airlie, of London, England, is soon to inarry an American. Since the death of her father Lady Maud has spent the summers in Estes Park, Colorado, with «her brother, who owns immense tracts of lands in the West, purchased by the Earl. The marriage is to take place in this country and the dowager Lady Airlie will come from England to be present on the occasion. TALKING of temporary presiding offi cers of the Senate, it is said that Mr. Palmer amuses himself while in the Chair by writing terribly bad poetry-- there are no words that he will not make rhyme with each other; Gen. Hawley sketches caricatures of his -col leagues, Mr. Manderson tells stories in An undertone to his fellow-members whom he calls to his side, Mr. Frye writes letters to cliildren in words of one syllable, and Mr. Harris goes to sleep. GEN. BARON VON EDELSHEIM, Com mander-in-chief of the army of Hun gary, who has just been retired on a pension--really sacrificed as a scapegoat lor M Tisza, the Hungarian Premier •--has long been known as the best cav alry officer in the Empire. It was he Irho, riding at the head of his regiment, tbroke the French line at Solferno. and might have turned the fortune of the day had he been properly supported; and at Sadowa he covered the retreat of the vanquished army. He is one of the richest of the landed nobility, and ft zealous Magyar. IN Alaska the salmon jam the estua ries and inlets so that the fish cannot -move at all. A recent visitor says "the outlet at Lake Loring, which is a rivu let two miles long and two rods wide, connecting the salt water with the fresh, is so choked with living salmon that if i& plank were laid across their protud- ing backs a man could walk across dry shod. One can lift them out with his jhands until he is tired. It is almost im possible not to thrust a spear or a boat hook into the mass, and, of course, a fish must come out whenever it is with drawn. Bears take their opportunity to Scoop them out with their great paws, and when they have regaled themselves to satiety they retire to the adjacent thicket for a desert of berries, which grow in abundance and variety. - Of course, a great many salmon get into the lake at every tide, but after each Recession multitudes are stranded, of "which the lustiest flop back to the ocean, while the mained and hapless remain dead and stranded on the denuded rocks." A TRAGIC story is told by the Cologne Gazette of the sad experience and cruel fate of the favorite Italian prima donna, £aira Gattini. A short time ago Zaira, her mother, and two brothers went to Barcelona, where the prima donna was to fulfill an engagement. While there the mother became ill. Physicians were called, but the patient steadily grew worse. Zaira attended the bed side of her mother during the day and 'regularly appeared at the theater each night, leaving her brother to watch over the sick woman. One night, while Zaira was absent at the theater, the physicians informed her brothers that there mother was in- a hopeless con dition and could live but a few hours at the most The elder of the brothers, crazed by grief at this announcement, seized a pistol anil shot himself dead in the presence of his mother, who ex pired almost immediately afterward. The younger brother hastened to the theater, to inform his sister. He was Admitted and met her just as she was leaving the stage, burdened with flow ers and her ears ringing with the ap- plause,of the audience. In a few words he told her what had happened, when, with a scream that was heard all over the house, she ran to the window and attempted to throw herself to the ground. She was restrained by friends, who, attracted by her cries, rushed to ward her, and she was immediately con veyed to her apartments. When her paroxysm of grief had subsided it was found that the shock had deprived her of her reason, permanently the physi cians feared, and she is now confined in an asylum. LORD SALISBURY, says the Pall Mall Gazette, is an aristocrat, and he also poses as a bit of a cynic. His personal appearance is not striking, nor is there anything in his habit of life which is calculated to fascinate the imagination of the common people. He has none of those splendidavitia which so often help the masses to. ooadone the faults of their leader*. It is so long since he sowed his political wild oats that the householders are 'entirely ignorant of the facts that Lord Robert Cecil in his earlier days occasionally startled the decorum of the House of Commons as if he had been a kind of forerunner of Lord Bandolph Churchill. People have forgotten that he once apologized to attorneys for having compared them to Mr. Gladstone. , "It was a great in justice to the attorneys, who were a, very honorable set of men," and:we wonder how it was possible for Lord Salisbury ever to have said, as he once said, that-the golden link whioh con nects all Mr. Gladstone's phases of opinion, and variety of character was his persistent, undying hatred of the rural interest. Bnt that was long ago. There is nothing in his reoent career which appeals powerfully to the heart of the people. He has been guilty of none of those excesses of generosity which lead men to pardon a thousand faults of judgment, nor has he ever been carried away by the flood-tide of a great enthusiasm. Yet, although in many respects so antithetical to Mr. Gladstone, he resembles his great rival in many of the higher qualities. In religious matters they would protmbly agree more than any two men in public life. '• SINCE Jesse Pomeroy, of Massachu setts, first revealed to a shocked and disgusted world the possibilities of original sin and total depravity, there has been no other paradox" of iniquity and enigma of wickedness like him until William Sells, of Kansas, arrived upon the scene. One morning in March last he appeared at a neighbor's and begged them to come to his house, as an un known man had broken in and, he feared, murdered his parents. The house was found besmeared withblcod. The heads of his father, mother, and sister were crushed and their throats cut, while in the boy's own bed lay his brother, his skull smashed in, an eye chopped out and the throat cut like the others. The boy stood outside the house while this investigation was going on, displaying no emotion what ever when told the horrible story. He went quietly away to a neighbor's house, where he slept soundly until the morn ing. No tracks were found outside the house, while a wash-basin Of bloody water, and the washed hands of the boy with the marks of blood outlined on his wrist, showed with {absolute cer tainty who the criminal was. He de nied his guilt, declaring that he must have been walking in his sleep or tem porarily insane. Many of his friends are inclined to accept that explanation. He had hitherto borne so good a repu tation that his relatives and acquaint ances cannot make up their mirifls to credit such unmitigated depravity. Nevertheles he was convicted of mur der in the first degree, and sentenced to be hung. Under the Kansas law the Governor has the power to indefinitely suspend sentence, and it is thought the boy will be imprisoned for life. This is certainly the least the community should put ap with; for so terrible a sleep-walker, so dangerous a temporary lunatic, ought not to be allowed his freedom even for twenty-four hours. Like Jesse Pomeroy, having once tasted blood, he would be as safe run ning loose among his fellow-creatures as a man-eating tiger of Bengal. ~1& 4* it ~^rz: -- -- - - - ' The Origin of Bock Beer. "Early in the fourteenth century," said one of the oldest inhabitants of an up-town brewery, "a good king, with a great head, reigned over 'Bavaria. Being a monarch of liberal education, he of course knew what young men's fancy lightly turned to in the spring; but he saw that the fathers and grand fathers and uncles of the young men yearned for something stronger and more exhilarating than mere love. Therefore he set the royal brewer to work one New Year's day concocting a beer that could knock an honest Ba varian away into Scliwartzburg-Sonder- hausen, and not half try. The man of hops took kindly to the take, and when Easter Monday came he had reauy a score of hogsheads of dark, sweet beer. The royal majordomo filled a beautiful silver growler that held about a quart, and presented it to his Majesty to sam ple. The monarch drained the flagon, set it d6wn, frowned, and said the beer was too sweet and had no fire in it. "Before the royal ax swingers could punish the brewer by trimming oft his head the new beer began to get in its fine work, and have fun with the king. He whooped three new and startling whoops, performed a beautiful song and dance on the throne, and wound up by clasping the brewer to his heart and calling him brother, While the king was winding wet towels around his head next morning someone asked him what the beer should be called. 'Bimihali- dom!' he exclaimed. 'We will call it bock beer, for marry, come up, my head feels as if it had crosscountered a Har lem he-goat.' Ever since those good old days bock beer has been broached every Easter Monday."--New York Star. Washington's Modesty. There is a story told of Washington's first appearance as a member of the House of Burgesses. He was something more than a new member; he was the late Commander-in-Chief of the Vir ginia army, the foremost man, in a military way, in the province; he had just returned from the successful ex pedition against Fort Duquesne. So the House resolved to welcome him in a manner becoming so gallant a Vir ginian, and it passed a vote of thanks for the distinguished military services he had rendered the country. The Speaker, Mr. Robinson, rose when Washington came in to take his seat, and made a little speech of praise and welcome, presenting the thanks of the House. Every one applauded and waited for the tall Colonel to respond. There he stood, blushing, stammering, confused. He could give his orders to his men easily enongh, and he could even say what was necessary to Mrs. Martha Curtis; but to address the House of Burgesses in answer to a vote of thanks--that was another matter! Not a plain word could he get out. It was a capital answer, and the Speaker interpreted it to the House. "Sit down, Mr. Washington," said he. "Your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language I possess." -- Horace JS. Scudder, m SL Nicholas* G. BLAINE. • Great Speech at Sebago Lake, Maine, by the Republican Iieader. Ito Twiff Qnestian Reviewed in AH 3 h Detail*--Capital and labor Interests. The fisheries Dlspnte--Oar Kelattoas * with Mexico--The Prohibit!** _ Party* 1 The formal oj ening of tkt Republican cam* paign in Cumberland County, Me., took place on tbe 24th ult. at Sebago Lake, when the Hon, James G. Blaine ani Congressmen Reed of Maine and Gibson of Ohio made addresses be fore a large assembly. Mr. Blaine said : FKLIXIW CITIZENS : A new administration of the National Government is usually unvcxed in its first year except by the importunities and the disappointments of its own supporters. The people at large give small heed for the time to public affairs, and the discussion of political issues is left as a somewhat perfunctorv task to opposing partisans in Congress. This season of apparent indifference is caused in part bv the natural ebb of the tide which flowed so high in the preceding national election nnd in part also by the American instinct of fair play which demands that the party freshly installed may have free opportunity «nd full time to lay out its ground and mature its measures. This period ot jwpular inaction is thus not only ad vantageous for rest but it prepares those who are the ultimate arbiters in all matters of pub lic concern to give patient hearing to fair argu ment when the time arrives fcr popular discus sion. The approaching election at a Governor, of four Representatives to a new Congress, and a Legislature that shall choose a Senator of tho United States, revives the interest in political topics in Maine, and subjects to inquiry the various issues which separate our people into distinct political parties. Have the old differ ences between tho Republican and Democratic organizations been adjusted, or have they grown more palpable and more pronounced ? Are the Su est ion 8 over which the Republicans and the •emoerats have waged a long contest to be now abandoned? Is litigation in the court of public opinion to be discontinued and a settlement effected by entering "neither party" on the peo ple's docket? Or, on the other hand, do the American people just now begin to see with clearer vision the aims and intentions, the methods, and the measures of each party, and are they waking to a new and more earnest struggle over policies that are irreconcilable over measures that are -inherently and inevi tably in conflict? Let us inquire of these things in a spirit of candor. THE TARIFF QUESTION. It is in the first place especially worthy of observation that in the history of industrial questions no party in time of peace has ever been more united in support of a policy than is the Republican in support of a protective tariff to-day. At the late session of Congress a measure known as the Morrison tariff bill, de signed to first weaken and ultimately destroy the protective policy, was resisted by so corn- Eact an organization of the Republican mem-ers that a single vote from New York and two or three votes from Minnesota were all that broke the absolute unanimity of the party. And this was rendered still more striking by the fact that the organs of Republican opinion in New York and Minnesota declare that these exceptional votes were adverse to the wishes of a large majority of those who elected the dis senting members. On tl:e other hand, the vast majority of the Democratic members supported tho free-trade side of the question ; but a small minority, unit ing with the Republicans, fouud themselves able to defeat the measure. Thereupon the Democratic papers quite generally throughout the country denounced the recusants as unfaith ful to the creed of their party, and the journal in New York which is said to reflect the views of the national administration gave formal notice to all Democrats, North and (South, who loan to ward the policy of protection, that they must revise their opinions or leave the party, bt caas# with their views they can find no sympathy in Democratic ranks and no standing room on Democratic platforms. These leading facts indicate that the poliey Of protection versus free trade is an issue shaped and determined no longer by 9ectional preference, but has become general and nation al, affording a distinct, well-marked line of di vision between the Republican and Democratic parties. I do not recall these facts as prepar atory to an analytic discussion of the protect ive system, but with the view of applying them to certain current movements and currant events. The hostility of the Democratic party to pro tection lias entailed .upon ^the country a vast loss, and has in many ways obstructed the progress and development of certain sections. Since the financial panic of 1873 and the con temporaneous solidification of the Southern vote, the Democratic party has, with the excep tion of a single Congress, hold control of the House of Representatives. The power to origi nate revenue bills hus befen exclusively in their hands, and they have used it to the con fusion, the detriment, in many instances to the destruction, of new enterprises throughout the Union. Confidence once shaken is hard to re store, and the schemes of improvement which have been abandoned within the last ten years on account of the uncertainly of our revenue laws, constantly menaced by the Democratic party in Congress, would have caused prosper ity and happiness in many communities which have felt the discouraging influence of dull times. The Democratic party is constantly using tbe comparative dullness in business which their own course in Congress for twelve years has largely developed, as an argument against the policy of protection. But it is worth while to compare the conditions of the coun try in this year of grace with its condi tion the year before the Republicans succeeded in enacting the first protective tariff. In the nine btates which still do the larger amount of manufacturing for the country, and which did it nearly all a quarter of a century ago, it is in teresting and instructive to compare their finan cial conditions at the beginning of 18»1 and at the beginning of 1836. The States referred to are the six of New England, with New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. In 1H61 the country presented a condition brought about by nearly an entire generation of free trade, apd the aggregate amount which the people had ac cumulated in their savings banks during the long period was less than 8160,(XX).000. In the same States Jan. 1, 1880, the aggregate amount in the savings banks was over SI,oat),000,000. The difference in the amount of savings in Maine for the two periods show that in January, 18)51, the people had less than Sl.UH'.OX) in bank, while in January, 1880, the people had over 936,000,000 in bank. During this period it must be remembered that the increase of population in tbe nine St*tes has been about 35 per cent., while the increase of deposits in savings banks has been at the rate of H00 j»er cent. It must be remembered that 73 per cent, of this vast sum belongs to the wage-workers. The vast number of dej>ositors m:iy be inferred from the fact that in Maine, where the aggre gate population is less than 700,000, the $3ti.0U0,- 000 of deposits are divided between 110,010 per sons, showing that about one in six of the total population is a depositor. And that the average cf each is about $320. The figures with which ive are dealing have been confined to the nine States named be cause in 16(31 the manufacturing done in this country was mainly confined to those States. But the thousand millions of savings by the workers within their borders become still more significant as an economic fact when wo remem ber that Hince 1861 the great Inxly of Northwest ern states under the inspiring influence of a protective tariff have in turn developed an enormous aggregation of manufacturing indus- tries. Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wis consin are no longer devoted to agriculture solely, but have a mass of manufacturing in dustries larger in aggregate value than all the manufactories in all the States of the Union on the day Mr. Lincoln was first inaugurated. And yet another comparison may be made posed anything when I was a candidate for a for by the future action of the Government • public office, and now as a private oitizen I have ; and most of all was it extraordinary that a no temptation to flatter any men or state any- ! pledge should be given to a foreign Government truth ft - -ut- a8 1 8i?e the ' that the President of the United States should made an unnecessary and undignified display of insolence and bravado toward Mexico. There is no adequate cause for the demonstration. I gestions under be tenned toe political creed of t. was held in the British Foreign Office in Lon- tne % anous <ubor organizations, I have observed don, and it took from the President all the still more embarrassing to the free-trade doc- , __ trinaires and more difficult for them to answer. | fr- in Mr. Buyard under date of June 1'.), 1885, some singular omissions of pertinent, and, as I think, controlling facts--facts which in a spirit of friendship and candor I beg to point out I read, a few days since, in a . reed put f jrth by an association of the Knights of Labor, in an other State, a reeital of eighteen distinct ends which they desired to have secured or main tained by national legislation. Among these there was not the slightest mention of a pro tective tariff. That might have been accidental; or it might have implied a perfeot sense of safety in regard to tho continuance of the tariff; or it might ha\e meant that those who pro claimed the creed are indifferent to the fate of protection. In any event it would be well for the laboring organizations to diligently inquire and ascer tain how the wages of labor in the United States can be kept above the rate of wages in England. Germany, and France on the same ar ticles of manufacture without the intervention of protective duties! With the present cheap modes of interchange and trans) ortation of au commodities. I inquire of these gentlemen how, under the rules of free trade, can wages in the United States be kept above the general stand- aril of European wages? I do not stop for the detail of argument. I only desire to lodge the que stion in the minds of the millions of Ameri can laborers who have it in their power to maintain protection or to inaugurate free trade; who have it in their power to uphold the party of protection or the party of free trade. THK NEtillO. Another portentous fact has been omitted-- •o far as I have observed--from the ccns dera tion and judgment of the Jalvor organizations. They sei m to haYe taken little or no heed of tho existence of more than a million and a half of able-bodied laborers in the Fouth with dark Bkins, but with expanding intellects, increasing intelligence, and growing ambition. While these men were slaves, working in the corn and cotton fields, in the rice swamps, and on the sugar plantations of the South, the skilled labor ot the Northern t-tates felt 110 competition from them. But since they became freemen there has bi en a great change in the variety and skill of the labor performed by colored men in the South. The great mass are, of course, still en gaged in agricultural work, but thousands and tens of thousands, and in fact hundreds of thousands, have entered and are entering the mechiintcal and s^mi-mechanical field. They are making pig and bar iron in Tennessee and Alabama. They are manufacturing cotton in Georgia and the Carolines. They are brick layers -and plasterers everywhere; they i r> carpenters and painters; "they are black smiths ; they make wagons and carts; they tan leather and make harness; they are firemen and pilots on river boats ; they calk vessels in Southern ports ; they lav railroad track; they are switchmen and section men on the line and firemen on lo comotives. In fact, they are generally entering all the avenues and channels of skilled labor. Of course they are underpaid. They receive far less than has been paid for years past to Northern mechanics for similar work. Thov are able to take no part in making laws for their own protection, and they are consequently and inevitably unable to maintain a fair standard of wages or to receive a fair proportion of their proper earnings. I do not dwell on this subject at length, though it could easily be presented in aggra vating detail. I mention it only to- place it be fore the labor organizations of the North, with this question addressed to them : Do you sup pose that you can permanently maintain in the Northern "States one scale of prices when just beyond an imaginary line on the South of us a far different scale of prices is paid for labor? The colored mechanic of the South is not so skillful a workman nor so intelligent a man as you are, but if he \\ ill lay brick in a new cotton factory in South Carolina at half the price you are paid, if he will paint and plaster it at the same low rate, lie is inevitably erecting an industry which, if the same rate of wages be maintained throughout, will drive you out of business or lead you to the gates of his own poverty. The situation is therefore plainly discernible and demonstrable, viz; First--If" the Demo cratic party shall suecaed, as they have been annually attempting for twelve years past, in destroying the protective tariff, the artisans of the United States will be thrown into direct competition with the highly skilled and miser ably paid labor of Europe. Second--If the Democratic party shall be able to hold control of the National Government, the colored laborer in the Southern Sates will remain where the Southern Democrats have placed him polit ically, subject to the will of the white man and unnble to fix the price or command the value of his labor. The colored man will, therefore, un der those conditions and influences, remain, a constant quantity in the labor market, receiv ing inadequate compensation for his own toil and steadily crowding down the compensation for white labor, if not below his own level yet far below its just and adequate standard. At every turn, therefore, whether it be in ex posing the white American laborers to the dan gers of European competition by destroying the protective tariff, or wnother it be in reducing the wages of the white man by unfairly making the colored laborer bis fatal competitor in all the fields of toil, the Democratic party North and South appears as the enemy of every inter est of American workmen. With that party placed in full power and with all its measures achieve*, the wages of American laborers will fall as certainly as effect follows cause. THK FIHHKltY DISPITTF. The fishery dispute between the United States and Great Britain has passed through many singular phases in the last seventy years, but never before, I think, was it surrounded with such extraordinary circumstances as we find ex isting at this moment. Before discussing the merits of the American oase it may be interest ing to recall the process by which the question has been placed in its present attitude. Jan. 31, 188.5, several months before the fish ing season of that year began, President Arthur issued a proclamation giving notice to the peo ple that the fishery articles of the treaty of Washington (1871) had, according to the condi tions of the treaty, been formally terminated. The President made the results that would flow from this action plaiu and unmistakable by warning a l citizens of the United States that "none of the privileges secured to them by these articles will exist after July 1, 1885." This ter mination of the treaty had been decreed by an overwhelming vote of both branches of Con gress, and was now made final and effective by the President's proclamation, This course had been earnestly desired by the American fisher men, was fully understood by them, and was completed without protest from' a single citizen of the United States. Five weeks after President Arthur's procla mation was issued his term closed, and with the new cdministratiou Mr. Bayard became Secre- tarv of State. In three or four days after he had been installed in office the British Minister, the Hon. Sackville West, submitted a proposal to continue the reciprocal fishing arrangements until Jan. 1, 18-W. After a brief corresjvondence Mr. Bayard accepted tbe offer. In other words, Mr. West and Mr. Bayard made a treaty of their own by which American fishermen were to be allowed to fish in British waters six months longer, and British fishermen should freely fish in American waters for the same perird. When Mr. West first proposed this extension of time, in his note of March 12, he based his suggestion solely upon the generous ground that as the treaty would terminate during the fishing sea son "considerable hardship might bo occa sioned to American fishermen if they were compelled to desist fishing at that time." This exact point had been fore- Been, had been carefully considered by Con gress, by the Presieent, by the State Depart ment, and by the American fishermen them selves. In popular parlance, they had "dis counted it, and were fully prepared fcr it, when, to their exceeding surprise, the British Minister seemed to be moved with compassion for their (ossible suilerings. Apparently without other motive than disinterested benev olence; Mr. We st was anxious to allow them six months more of that precious time which the Halifax commission had declared to bo worth to American fishermen a half million dollars per annum. But retidfng a little further in this remarkable diplomatic correspondence, we find that Mr. West, instead of acting from motives of pure generosity toward American fishermen, was really paving the way for a shrewd trade and a new treaty. A regular understanding between himself and Mr. Bayard was reduc.d to writing, showing that he re ceived a large consideration for leaving the British waters ojwn to American fishermen six months longer. The consideration was a pledge While the American workmen in nine States, working under a protective tariff, have over $1,000,000 in savings banks, the vastly greater mass of workingmen in England, Ireland, Scot land and Wales, the whole United Kingdom, all working under free trade, have less than $40,000,0 0,0)0 in the aggregate, both in savings banks and postal banks. These figures and the conclusions they teach are so plain that the running man may read. CAPITAL AND LABOR. The leading feature in the industrial field of 1885 and 1886 is the discontent among the men who earn their brea 1 by skilled and by unskilled that the President woiUd at tho next session of Congress "recommend the appointment of a commission in which the covernments of the United States and Great Britain shall be re spectively represented, charged with the con sideration and settlement upon a just, equita ble, and honorable basis of the entire question of tho fishing right's of the two governments and of their rtspective citizens on the coasts of the United States and l!ritish North America." The stipulation was definite and reduced to writing that "in view and in consideration of such promised recommendations by the Presi dent" the British would for the ensuing six labor. Uneasiness and uncertainty are found on i mouths enforce no restrictive regulations all sides ; there are wise aims a nong many,and with not a few there is aimlessness, with its in evitable result of disappointment and discour agement. The man who could by any prescrip tion remove this discontent and at once restore harmony and happiness would be a philosopher, patriot, and statesman. The man who professes to be able to do it will generally prove to be a compound of empiricism and ignorance. But in the end, perhaps by toilsome paths, with many blunders and some wrongs, no one need doubt that sound and just and righteous con clusions will he reached. Perfect freedom to test the virtues and secure the advantage of or ganization, are certainly among the common rights of all men and a republican government. Labor associations hav^ tho same sanction and the same rights that any form of incorporation may assume--subject, as all must be, to the condition that the person and property of others shall be respected. It is well for every citizen of a free government to keep before his eyes ond in bis thoughts the honored maxim that "the liberty of one man must always end where the rights of another man begin." I have no new nostrums for the cura of labor troubles. I have no quack remedies to propose. I am a firm believer in the efficacy of the pro tective tariff, and I can look back with serene satisfaction to my record in Congress as never blotted by a single vote that was not friendly to the interests ox American labor. I never pro- against American fishermen. In addition to this Mr. Bayard gave significant information to Mr. West that the refunding ot duties mean while collected under our customs laws upon Canadian fish might be brought before the com mission thus promised. Acccrdingly, in the following December, six and a half mouths after Mr. Bayard's memo randum pledge that theP resident would make the recommendation to Congress, the President actually did incorporate it in his annual mes sage, and gave it in language which was a tran script verbatim of the words which Mr. Bayard gave to Mr. West. It would cerlaiiily be apart from my desire to pass any personal criticism upon the President, or whom I wish at all times to speak in terms of respect, but, viewing this as a public question, and speaking only with the freedom of a private citizen, I must express my belief that ttiis transaction was throughout most extraordinary and unprecedented. It was extraordinary and unprecedented, and alto gether beyond his proper power, for a Secretary of State in the recess of Congress to revive any part of a treaty which Congress had expressly terminated; it was extraordinary for a Secretary of State to begin negotiations for the renewal ot a treaty which every department ot Government had just united in annulling: it was extraordinary for a Secretary of State to enter upon a trade with a foreign Minister for a preeeut beneM to be paid power of reconsideration which the lapse of time and tbe change of circumstances might impose. It robbed the - President pro hoc vice of his liberty as an Executive. He was no longer free to insert In his annual message of December what might then seem expedient on the question of the fisheries, but was under honorable obligations to insert word for word, letter for letter, the exact recommenda tion which the Secretary of State in the pre ceding month of June had promised an<$ pledged to the British Minister. The matter presents curious speculation in the work ing of our Government. What, for instance, could or should the President have done, if be fore the date of his annual menage he ha<T be come convinced, ns a large majority of the Sen ate were convinced, that it was not expedient to organize an international commission on the fisheries ? He would then have found himself embarrassed between this pledge given to a foreign government in June and his convictions of duty to the citizens of the United States in the ensuing December. Congress could not be induced to concur in the President's recommendations for an inter national commission on tfce fisheries, and so the scheme for which Mr. Bayard and Mr. West had made such extraordinary preparations came to naught. It would have bet n strange indeed if any other result had been reached. Congress had for several years been diligeutlv endeavoring to free the country from the bur den of the treaty provisions respecting the fisheries, and it could not be expected that they Wou'd willingly initiate measures fcr a new, treaty that would probably in the end be filled with provisions as odious and burdensome to the American fishing interests as those from which they had just escaped. As soon as it became evident that Congress would not accept the proposal for a new com mission the Government of the Dominion of Canada, with the presumed approval of the Im perial Government, began a series of outrages upon American fishing vessels and fishing crews--seeking in every way to destroy their business and deprive "them of their 'fishing rights. That course continues to this day, and is adopted by the Canadian Government with the deliberate intention and obvious expecta tion of forcing concessions from this <tovern- ment. A few facts in the long controversy over the fishery question may be pertinently recalled as bearing on the present situation, THK TREATY OF 1818. Let ns frankly admit at the outset that we are governed in this matter by the terms of the treaty of 1818. Of the injustice of which this country was made the victim before that treaty was ratified we need not nere and now speak. We accepted the treaty of 1818 in good faith, and, though it largely curtailed privileges which were the birthright of American fishermen, those hardy men went to work under it, and by their enterprise largely expanded their busi ness--increasing in an amazing ratio the num ber of vessels, their aggregate tonnage, and the number of men engaged in the hazardous call ing. This rapid progress alarmed the Canadi ans, and, with the view of repressing rivalry and crippling American fishermen, a new con struction was applied to the treaty nearly a quarter of a century after it had been in peace ful operation. From 1841 to 18 IS it was for the first time con tended by Great Britain that the American right to fish within three miles from shore meant three miles from the headlands which marked the entrance to bays, and on this new and strained eonstruetioii of the treaty they Bought to exclude American fishermen" even from the Bay of Fundy, which is sixty miles wide at its mouth. Aft r a long diplomatic dis cussion, maintained with signal ability by Ed ward Everett, our Minister at London, Lord Ab erdeen--a man identified with justice and mag nanimity in more than one generation--then at the head of the British Foreign Office, acknowl edged that the ground takan by Knglnnd in re gard to the Bay ot Fuudy was indefensible, the Canadian position was reversed, and the bay was reopened to American fishermen. But the design of coercing the United States into opening her markets to Canadian fisher men was not abandoned. In 18A2 a fresh and determined series of hostilities was begun against American fishermen. A naval force was sent out from England, and the whole coast of Nova Scotia was guarded by the guns of the royal navy--thirteen war vessels patrolling the fishing grounds. It was again proclaimed that the thiee-inile limit of the treaty of 1818 was not three miles from the shore, but three miles outside of a line from headland to head land of bays. This construction of the treaty would place the American fishermen, in many places, thirty miles from shore, instead of three, as provided by treaty. Mr. Everett had pertinently reminded the British Government that by this construction "the waters which wash the entiro southeastern coast of Nova Scotia, from Cape Sable to Cape Canso--a dis tance of neary 300 miles--might constitute a bay from which the United States fishermen would be excluded." In other words, the argn nient of Mr. Everett showed that the British construction, if admitted, would destroy all American rights intended to be guarded and guaranteed under the provisions of tho treaty When the attempt of 1A52 was made to *uiforoe the "headland" construction of the treaty, Mr. Webster was Secretary of State in the adminis tration of Mr. Fillmore. In an official paper over his signature, Mr. Webster recorded his opinion that the British .construction of the treaty "is not conformable to the intentions of the contracting parties." Those are weighty words, and spoken by Mr. Webster they give an almost authoritative construction to the treaty. It is certainly not discourteous or invidious to say that in le^al ability, especially on points I oth of constitutional and international law, Mr. Webster's opinion is entitled to more weighty consideration than that of any British official who was then dealing or who has Bince dealt with the fishery question. Mr. Webster's official proclamation, from which I have quoted, was issued the 0th of July, 18 >2 A fortnight later he addressed a large au dience from the front door of his house at Marsli- field, and then he spoke with entire freedom. "The treaty of 1818," said Mr. Webster, "was made with the Crown of England. If an Ameri can fishing vessel is captured by one of her vis- sels of war the Crown of England is answerable ; but it is not to be expected that the United States will submit its rights to be adjudicated in the petty tribunals of the provinces, or that we shall allow our own vessels to be seized by constables and other petty officers, and con demned by the municipal courts of Quebec, Newfoundland, New Brunswick, or Canada. * * * In the meantime be assured that the fishing interest will not be neglected by the ad min isfcrat on under any circumstances. Tbe fishermen shall be protected in all their rights of property and in all their rights of occupation. To use a Marbleheud phrase, they shall be pro tected 'hook and line,hob and sinker.'" Mr. Webster fell ill very soon after these vig orous expressions, and the negotiations passed into other hands, and were adjusted finallv by the reciprocity treaty of 1854. The operation of that treaty was highly injurious to Artierican fishermen. Before its termination, in 1866, our Government refused to renew it, and our fishing interests immediately began to revive, and im mediately the Canadians began to agitate for another treaty, by which they could reach the markets of the United States, lheir wishes were gratified, and by the strangest of all diplo matic juggles the United States paid $">,500,000 for a treaty which it did not want, and which tho other "party earnestly desired Time has passed, ana the" treaty of 1871 has expired. The Canadians again come back to their old tactics to harass, and worry, and outrage American fishermen, until by sheer weariness, after the manner of the unjust judge in Scripture, our Government may give them what they want, even to the injury of our own people. The humiliation of our situation has been gratuitously increased by the vote of a ma jority of the Democratic party in the House of Representatives to throw open the markets of the United States to British and Canadian fishermen, without duty or charge, and without securing to American fishermen the right to fish in British and Cana dian waters. This is an act of such unaccount able, rancorous hostility to the fishing interest of New England that it is difficult even to com- ehend its motive. John Randolph so hated wool tariff that he felt liko walking a milo r to kick a sheep. Do tho Northern Democrats feel such determined hostility to the fishermen of New England that they would sacrifice a great national interest in order to inflict a blow upon them. THE WOllDS OF WEBSTEB. It would certainly be refreshing if we could hear Mr. Webster's words repeated from official sources to-day. It would be refreshing if it could once more be asserted with the same strength and dignity of Webster that "the Uni ted States will not submit its rights to be adju dicated in the pettv tribunals of the provinces" ; that "American fishermen shall be protected in ail their rights of property and in all their rights of occupation." Mr. Webster did not expect and did not intend that his position should lead to war. He simply expected that a firm, decided tone would bring English officials to their senses and make them feel the responsibility and danger of transgressing the rights and touching the sensibilities of a proud and power ful people. Mr. Webster know, as those who learned from him have since known, that Eng land could even less than the United States aflord to go to war about the fisheries. Mr. Webster knew, as those who have learned in hiB school have since known, that England and the United States can never go to war except on some point that touches the imperial integrity of the one or the other--and even an offense of that magnitude we agreed in lt>71 to settle bv arbitration, and not by gage of battle. But the country is weary of hearing, in Mr. Webstor's phrase, that Canadian constables are arresting American crews, and that the Canadian gun boats are capturing vessels on the high seaa floatiug the American flag. And all this on the assumption of a treaty power which the United States denies, and upon a technical construc tion put forward a quarter of a century after the treaty went into operation and bad received a peaceful and fair cons ruction. We shall await the publication of Mr. Bayard's correspondence with Great Britain on the subject of the seizure of American fisi ing vessels with deep interest; shall wait with the hope, if not the expectation, that h® "Will leave his country in a better posi tion at tbe close of tbe negotiation than he has thus far'maintained for her. OCT* RELATIONS WITH MEXICO. Another international trouble increased our sense of chagrin and humiliation. In eon- irut«iB oar jpitint wtdurano* of Canadian outrage ttnrfcnl Amartaan flahermen, «• haw when the United States agreed to accept arbi-> trati< n as the means of adjusting our grave difficulties with England we came under bends to the public opinion of the world to offer arbi tration to any weaker Power aa the meant of settling difficulties in all cases where we cannot adjust them by direct negotiation. If we are not willing to acept that conclusion we place ourselves in the disreputable attitude of ac- ceptintj arbitration with a strong Power and re sorting to force with a weak Power. I am sure no American citizen of self-respect desires to see his country subjected to that degradation. For the United States to attack Mexico without giving her an opportunity to be heard before an impartial tribunal of arbitration would be for a great nation of unlimited power to put herself to open shame before the world. Theie could not, fellow-citizens, in my judg ment, be a more deplorable event than a war between the United States and any other re public of America. The United States must be regarded as the elder sister in that family of commonwealths. Even in the day of onr weak ness we gave aid and comfort to them in their struggle for independence, and let us not fail now to cultivate friendly and intimate relations with them. Refraining from war ourselves we shall gain the infiuence that will enable us to prevent war among them--so that peace shall be assured and perpetual on this continent. If I recall any part of my own participation in public affairs with special satisfaction it is that! endeavored and almost succeeded in having the American Republics assemble in a peace congress in or der that war between nations on this continent should be made impossible. War in any direc tion would prove a great calamity to the United States--but war forced on Mexico would be a crime marked in an especial degree by cruelty. THK PROHIBITIONISTS. The pending contest is marked by the pres ence of A third party, organized, as its leaders say, to enforce the prohibition of the liquor traffic in Maine. There are some singular fea tures pertaining to this movement. The Repub lican party in Maine, from the day of its organi zation, has been pledged to prohibition--enact ing the principal statute now in force in 185?-'58, and since amending it from vear to vear as tbe leading temperance men" requested. The changes, to make it more effective, have aver aged one for every year since the original law was passed. The third party in their convention cheer fully testify that prohibition has been so well enforced by the Republicans that in their judgment Maine is a quarter of a century ahead of the license States in all that j>ertains to the temperance reform. The Republicans have this year with special emphasis in their State convention reaffirmed their faith in prohibition and nominated for Governor a pronounced snj>- PPrter of the law. But all this does not suit the third party Prohibitionist*. They desire a party of their own, just small enough to have no effect at all, or, if possible, just large enough to throw the State into the hands of the Demo cratic party, which has been as constant in its hostility to prohibition as the Republican party of Maine has been constant in ita fidelity to prohibition. The position and platform in the third narty might, in fact, be thus abbreviated. Whereas, the Republican party of Maine enacted a pro hibitory law thirty years ago, and has since amended it as a majority of th» friends of tem perance demanded, and has in consequence ad vanced Maine in all matters of temperance a quarter of a century ahead of the license States; therefore, be it resolved that we, members of a third party of Prohibitionists, will so vote as to defeat the Republican party an<l turn the Gov ernment of Maine over to the Deme>crat8, who have through all these years opposed prohibi tion by every instrumentality in their power. Democrats, of course, with scarcely an at tempt at concealment, regard the third party as their especial ally, and the coalition is so evident that I am sure no man can be deceived in regard to tho result except him who desires to be deceived. Every vot- r knows that he m jst choose between the Republican and Dem ocratic parties, and every voter knows that in joining the third party Le indirectly but effect ually throws his jtoiit'ical and moral influence in favor of the Demoorccy. The support rs < f the third party adopt as their shibboleth that " the Republican party must be killed," and they have se cured the co operation of the Democrat, of the free-trader, of the saloon proprie tor, of all men who wish to keep 6,(XX),0.0 of colored people in the South disfranchised and oppressed. 1c is an insincere coalition, an un hallowed partnership, an unholy alliance. Against it the Republican party of Maine pre sent* its uniform support of prohibition, its splendid record of devotion to the protection of American labor, its long and pati»i t effort in behalf of those who are downtrodden and de prived of natural rights. The Republican party has always fought its battles single-handed against great odds, and now, with principle un tarnished aud c jurage undaunted, it will again triumph over the combined force of all its foea. READY-MADE VETOES. How the PtvaMent "Sat lip Nlghta" H Tate Soldier*' PNialnn Hills. Sinc« the adjournment of Congress some interesting facts have been developed touching the manner in which many of the veto messages which accompanied the re turn to Congress of pension kills disap- froved by the President, were prepared, t appeai-n, as soon as bills were introduced in Congress in behalf of claimants whose cases were rejected by the Pension Office, all the papers filed in the Pension Office were immediately turned over to a board composed of three clerks in the office, none of whom were soldiers. This board wcut over the papers, sitting in the room of the chief clerk for this purpose, and, after making condensed briefs, actually prepared the veto messages, many of which were sent by the President to Congress. In a number of cases it is reported that the vetoes were thus prepared prior to tho pas sage of the bills. Thus there was kept on hand at the Pension Office ready-made vetoes to fit cases on the merits of which Congress had not acted, and when the legislative act of relief was received at the White House the required veto would be promptly supplied by the Pension Office Bofii-d of Review. This will, perhaps, ex plain (he levity contained in many of the President's vetoes of the claims of deserv ing soldiers.--Washington upeeial to Bon- tan Journal. The Question of the Dfejr. The question of this year is whether the people have any definite judgment to ex press regarding eighteen months of Demo cratic government other than that which they expressed when Democrats were mak ing profuse promises in 1884. If they have not, if they are as ignorant or indif ferent as ordinary Democratic politicians suppose, there will be a Democratic ma jority in the next House. But if the peo- Ele have an intelligent opinion about what as been going on, if they are indignant at the discovery that Democratic reform is cheat, if they are humiliated at the re movals and appointments which have been made in the name of reform, if they are outraged because their interests have been neglected while Democrats have wrangled and played the demagogue, then we shall see a change of votes and a political revolu tion. It will amaze the ordinary Demo cratic politicians when it comes, as usual, because they calculate that the people are as indifferent to the public welfare, as careless about public honesty, and as ignor ant of public questions as themselves.-- New York Tribune. , The Word and the Blow. As to the way in which Mr. Cleveland has generally fulfilled the promises he charged himself with, it is instanced that when he entered the White House there were thirteen negro watchmen in the Treas ury building. To-day there is one. Of the fifty-seven negro messengers there then but seven remain. It is tbe same way in other departments, while the only other conspicuous appointment of a negro to office by this administration, aside from Matthews', is that of the Minister to Hayti. --Buffalo Exprew. M«r CLEVELAND is having a hard time with a Southern town with a hard name. It will be remembered that Hazlehurst, Mis sissippi, was the scene of the political as sassination of Prent Matthews, a promi nent Republican, who was murdered by the Democrats. Matthews' brother, who was Postmaster, was removed to make room for Meade, who was afterward removed for having participated in tbe murder of Mat thews. Then the President appointed one McMaster to be Postmaster, and he, with true Democratic instinct, has turned op a defaulter to the amount of $1,300. He in turn has been removed by a postoffice in spector, and the patrons of the office are anxiously waiting to see what will be tho next affliction the President will send them. -De*Maine* Rtpifitr. POPULAR SCIENCE. T BE completeness of the woVlc dons by the earlier astronomers is shown bf the fact, recently stated, that oat of tlie 6,000 or more nebulae now known, the Hereliels had discovered 5,000. CUBES of sciatica ate reported as hav ing taken place in Palis after a single application of Dr. Debove's method of freezing the skin above the painful parts with a spray of chloride of me thy L. The operation is said to be applicable also to facial neuralgia. THE Paris News says that at the baby show in that city is an infant 3} years old, born near Dieppe, which weighs eighty-six ponnds, and is three feet ten inches in height. He is pos sessed of great strength, and promiaes to be a giant like his grandfather, al though his father is of rather leaa than ordinary stature. D. G. DOANE gives a beautiful, sim ple experiment which may interest the amateur with thferfneroscope. Upon a slip of glass put a (h-onXit liquid auric chloride of argentî mtrste, with half a grain of metallic zinc in the auric chloride, and copper in the silver. A growth of exquisite gold and silver ferns will appear beneath the eye. A NEW method of dressing wounds, by which their healing is said to be hastened and the pain made to disap pear at once, has been brought into no tice by a French surgeon. It consists in the application of compresses wet with a decoction of thirty parts of vale rian root in 100 parts of water. It is expressly stated that the treatment is of no avail in deep wounds. A WRITER in the Thei'apeiiiic Gazette recommends BOUPS made of lentil flour, mixed with one-eighth part of ground malt, for the use of invalids. In warm ing, the diastase of the malt converts the flour into soluble and easily-digested substances. The soup may be flavored with beef tea. The writer says that lentil flour contains more inorganic salts and twice as much nitrogenous material as wheat or oat flour. THE German Minister of War h-- given orders for a number of dogs to be trained with a view of testing the valne of the services they might render to sentinels engaged in keeping guard,, during the night. It is fully lielievea that by the help of these sagacious ani mals outposts would be far less liable to surprise, and that the dogs wonld always give notice of the approach of the enemy much earlier than it coold be detected by the sentinel without such assistance. Two HAIRY children are being exhib ited at a London aquariuin, and are arousing scientific curiosity. They are natives of Paraguay, of light com plexion, intelligent, and members of a family with skins as smooth as ordinary. Their backs are completely covered with fine, dark-colored hair or fur, short, soft, and unlike the black hair, of the head; in the boy the hairy cover ing extends down the thighs to the knees. In addition to these large cov ered spaces, the bodies of both are cov ered with circular patches of fur, vary ing in size from that of a pea to a h breadth, as many as a hundred of these spots showing upon the girl. Abnormal development of the sub-cutaneous syn ovial sacs and other peculiarities BV noted bv medical observers. As to Long Pastorates. . Long pastorates are eminently sirafcle, if the pastors do not get int intellectual ruts. The advantages se cured by long and happy acquaintance and friendship are eminent, in moral and religious work. To get the hang of the school-house takes time; but to get the hang of a parish is a greater feat. Bnt some men get hung up in both befpre they get the hang of either, and their tenure of office needs to be short because it cannot otherwise be sweet. . One reason why pastorates are now shorter than they used to be lies in the intense demands made upon the clergy by an intense nge. The people ask ia great deal, emotionally, also. The pastor is the man for almost all occa sions where speeches are in request, and what with parochial work and the calls of sorrow and of death, which it is his peculiar functions to ~ meet, if the pastor is both brainy and hearty, he has abundant opportunity to tax l>oth brain and heart to the utmost. If he keeps abreast the sympathy as well as the intellectual life of his day, his pas torate will be long, if to these energies he adds tact and depth of Christian character. But the clergy are men, and we re quire that they be better and wiser than any of us is able to get to be, on the score that he who leads must be further along and higher up than he who follows. Hence, in the way of long pastorates stand both the weakness of the pews ana the imperfection of the pulpit. Time was when to l»e ia wliite neckcloth was to be in authority. The clergy of the lang syne, by virtue of their oflice, were authenticated. The. children fled to cover, and laughter shied into immaculate sobriety a-* the parson lifted the doorknocker. He re frigerated the very chair in which be sat. Had he smiled his par<x-Lial dickey would have made punitive in cisions in his throat. These eccls sias* tieal bigwigs helj>ed tho pastoral rela tionship to fixedness, with ar tin ties which ecclesiastical councils have not yet allowed wholly to fall into innocu ous desuetude, but which now ar^ far less potent. In these things such progress has been made that now it is the people of the congregation who in almost all cases are really Svlf- goveraing.--Lewi*ton Jouvnnl. Shaving with Bott!e (ibis. Jailor Birdsong. ever on the alert* discovered a freshly-shaved prisoneir* and he set about finding the razor A once. He does not allow his guests to have even a piece of gla^s larger than a. paregoric bottle inside the cage, and he was puzzled to know how they man aged to sliave. Searching in all the bunks, in every nook and corner, an«l even on the persons of prisoners, failed to reveal anything in the shape cf a razor. The boys watched the search and asked Birdsong what he was looking for, but he was too shrewd to in i:i:ate the object of his search. But after • awhile his patience became exhausted, and approaching the prisoner, ho marked: "It looks like yon have been getting a shave." ' ' . ^ "Oh, yes.. We shav« regular.* •-* "What do you shavo with?" V^Sf "Shave with a Lottie." .' "Let me see it," said Mr. l>irdso :g, * whereupon the prisoner pn-druv l a small piece of a paregoric l*>ttle with an exceedingly clean-cut edge, an 1 a little illustration served to show tha' it was as good as steel for a m: or. 'ITS# next dav all the boys appeared at tlu«ir peep-holes cleanly-shaven, much to the wonderment Con*titutio m • v : N. ...