V* *-t> M«v*i j*-^- / v<*vr"* it<«<»y» >V» -V^/n*#** *? •W%•%$*-¥ Wi*'1 •'*" .^-W':'- ' '. Telling Hie *>•<«' *&. ^rcvr Deaoeratie Party Came Power by Practicing Fabe lata ,1 «• _ The following is a condensed report of s speech of JMroresen kins, of thef|ixth Illinois Disi ' "ills tariff aba the able v'-'" r::' c'r ^ S' % ' ^ *<, i1 • .#••:•/ I'? »&f: ,u I • • ? I", ": r*. : ;- :r, r". # : « , . ir Wf*: itative Hop- District, in op position to Uut Mill* tetfff abortion: Mr. Hopkins, of Illinois, opposed the bill. After sketching the history of tariff legislation & s lucid manner, citing Ham ilton and. theearlier authorities upon the truth of the protection principle, he said that Clay was the friend of protection, and after him that great commoner, Mr. Blaine, bad indorsed the same ideas. Under the -operation of protection this country had ' made a marvelous showing of National prosperity. Continuing, he said: ' The Republican party in the campaign of 1884 called the attention of the public to the platform of the Democratic party adopted at Chicago, and claimed that a change of administration meant a change ; in those economic principles which govern our revenue system and industrial inter ests, but, like the answers of the Goddess Diana, the Chicago platform was inter- J>reted by the Democratic speakers and eaders to meet the wishes and require- ments of all classes, trades and callings. In our industrial centers it was interpreted to mean protection to the wage workers, while in the bine grass regions of Ken- : tucky it was interpreted to mean trade as free as the air we breathe or the sunlight ; we absorb. In other words, Mr. Chair- j man, your party came into power by prac ticing a system of false pretenses on the American people unequal ed in the history of political parties. The issue presented is the issue of free trade as against protection. And in sup- • port of that charge I hold in my hand a paper which gives a list of the American members of the Cobden Club and the dates of their becoming members. In running my eyes over that list, I find that John Gh Carlisle, of Covington, Ky., be- ' came an American member in 1883. What a spectacle does this exhibit to the manu facturers, business men, and laborers in New York, who were deluded into voting : the Democratic tioket in 1884 under the Sromises and pledges of such speakers as Ir. Randall? What a spectacle, Mr. Chairman, does it exhibit to our industrial interests wherever they may be found? The follower of Richard Cobden, and a Arm believer in his free-trade principles, by a solid Democrntic vote is made the Speaker of this House--is elected to a position, Mr. Chairman, where he has almost autocratic powers in shaping the legislation of our country. The Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, in opening this debate, gave expression to these sentiment with an ; abandon and freedom that was truly re freshing.- And the praise he has received from free-trade sources has been unstint ed. I quote but a single paragraph from Henry George's paper, the Standard, un der date of April S3: "Mr. Mills' speech in opening the tariff debate, as printed in full in the Con gressional Record, justifies the impres sion produced by the telegraphic reports. It is a manly, vigorous, and most effective ; free-trade speech, abounding with telling points that go to the heart of protection. • It ought to be laively circulated as a cam paign document. In the course of Mr. Hemphill's speech Mr. Perkins asked: "If we should be permitted to buy where we can buy cheap est, why should we hot be permitted to ; hire where we can hire cheapest?" Mr. Hemphill answered: "Exactly. I think that is right." Here are the answers of a man who is too honest in his convictions in favor of absolute free trade to hesitate or dodge when tie direful consequences of such a policy are so pointedly brought out. This doctrine, you will observe, it is found necessary to state in advocating the enactment into a law of this so-called Mills bill. What does this doctrine that the manufacturers and the employers ; in this country "should be permitted to ! hire where they can hire cheapest" mean? It means, Mr. Chairman, that the owners and managers of the coal mines of Maryland and Illinois and the coal and iron mines of Virginia, Alabama, Pennsylvania, and those other great States interested in these industries can lock out %• %<• t' i t*' i r their employes for any cause or pretense, and fill tneir places with the contract la bor of Europe. It means that the fac tories and furnaces in all of the great manufacturing States can be supplied by starving operatives from Belgium, En- , gland, and other over-crowded countries of the Old World. It means that the scenes of squalor, of poverty and distress found among the laboring poor of Europe, which make the heart sick to contemplate, shall be the future lot and portion of the Seat laboring classes of America. Aye, r. Chairman, it means even more than that. It means that the importation of the Chinese coolies, which to-day, like a f eat cancer upon the body politic of the acific Coast States, threaten their lives, shall be renewed and be unrestricted. The contemplation of such results shocks the sensibilities of every friend of labor. This bill is presented under the seduc tive title: "To reduce taxation and sim plify the laws in relation to the collection of the revenue." An examination of the bill, however, discloses a different pur pose. The framers of the bill fear the re sult of the exposure of their free-trade doctrine, and seek to cover their real pur poses by pretending that they are not to interfere with the manufacturing and la boring interests of the country bv an in discriminate assault upon the tariff laws, but rather by a judicious and equitable revision of the same. This bill is section al in character. I propose now to call the attention of the committee and the coun try to some of its provisions in support of the charge. Wool is an agricultural product, and one in which the farmers of this country are extensively interested. In Vermont, New "York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan it is an important branch of husbandry. More or less attention is paid to sheep- raising, either for wool or for mutton, in all of the Northern, Western, and North western States and Territories. More than 1,000,000 persons are engaged in this in dustry. The capital invested, at a low estimate, on the very highest authority, aggregates $350,000,000. The number of sheep in this country aggregate 43,544,- 755. And the total clip of wool for the year 1887 was 269,000,000 pounds. The Democratic majority of the Committee on Ways-and Means propose to "simplify the laws in relation to the collection of reve nue" by putting this vast industry on the free list. And in their report to the House accompanying this bill they give as one of their reasons for patting it on the free list that it is a "raw material." Wool is no more a raw material than woolen cloth is a raw material. It is the finished product of the farmer. Another excuse given is to reduce the price of woolen goods. If the Democratic members of that committee are not seeking to strike down this great industry, but believe, as they pretend, that putting articles on the free list will reduce the price to the con sumer, why did they not in this bill put all woolen goods on the free list along with it? To reply in the style of argu ment in which they so freely indulge, they deprive the farmers engaged in this industry of all benefits of our protective- tariff system and still make him pay trib ute in the purchase of his woolen goods j to the Already over-protected woolen man ufacturer. Gentlemen, to be consistent you should have the courage of your con victions, and pnt all articles in which wool is used on the free list along with it. This is the test from which you shrink. You are afraid that the people of (his country will not sustain you in the com ing campaign in this attempt to interfere with our protective system, and hence seek to cover these attacks upon it by the .specious arguments set forth in your re- Iport accompanying this bill. That this vast industry will be injured by being placed oa the free list is apparent to the most casual observer. To illustrate the sectional character of this bill, I now call the attention of the committee and the country to the manner in which this Democratic majority of the Committee on Ways and Means has legis lated oa the subject of rice. This also is a farm product, and of the 110,131,373 pounds produced in the crop of 1S79, as reported in the census of 1880, 100,635,513 pounds were produced by the Southern States of South Carolina, Georgia, and Louisiana--a Southern product, as you will see, and cultivated in Democratic States. Daring the last three years the amount of rice entered for consumption from foreign countries and the duty paid thereoa in the form of tax by the con sumer, as our fose trade friends contend, Is as follows: *v> . • Entered for " consumption. Tear. . » poem is, Duty, law .w&u. . .iiri,aM,5'j8 91,619,576 1883 ........... !H,890.341 1,184,257 1887 . „... >13,585,<93 972,614 Bice is a food product consumed large ly by the laboring classes of this country. Why not furnish cheap food as well as cheap clothing, if the argument of the ma jority of the committee is to prevail, and put rice on the free list? But instead of that, Mr. Chairman, we find that the tariff on rice is increased rather than diminished, and the importers of that food product have called the attention of the public to the fact that the duties now proposed in the Mills bill are actually higher than those which prevailed during the war, from 1861 to 1864. It is claimed by those who are conversant with the process and expense of rice culture that it can be grown and 6old at three cents per pound, cleaned, {>ay all the charges of production, and eave a good margin of profit to the plan ter; and at three cents per pound, cleaned, forty-four bushels to the acre, nets the planter $22 per acre; and at eighty bush els per acre, which it is claimed is* not an unusual yield, a net profit to the planter of $48 per acre. And yet, Mr. Chairman, this is an industry which it is claimed should be protected by a high duty on im ported rice. A less number of persons are interested in this country in rice produc- tiou than in the production of wool. The capital invested is less, and the product is one which is used in every home. No ar gument can be used for placing wopl on the free list which will not be as forceful in placing rice on the free list. It is easier, however, in this so-cilled revision of the tariff laws, to strike a deadly blow at an industry cultivated in Republican States than to interfere with those which prosper in Democratic States. Again, Mr. Chairman, why not place sugar on the free list? Here is a product as universal in its consumption as tea or coffee. The people of this country pay a tax annually on imported sugar of nearly $60,000,000. If the object of this bill is to reduce the revenues and furnish cheap food for the people, how better can that object be subserved than by placing sugar on the free list? The whole sugar-pro ducing interest in this country, on the most accurate and reliable authority, does not exceed in value $80,000,000. This in terest is limited almost wholly to Louisi ana. The sugar consumed by the rich and the poor during a period of less than eigh teen months is taxed by import duties in an amount sufficient to pay for the entire capital invested in that interest in this country and leave many millions besides. And yet the friends of this Mills bill, for the alleged purpose of redncing the rev enues of the country $5,390,054.73 duties on imported w ool, are willing to imperil this great wool industry, with its aggre gated capital, as I have already shown, of $350,000,000. The logic of this bill would put iron ore and coal upon the free list, and had the same disregard for the great industries which floansh in the Northern and Re publican States, as I have already pointed out, been followed in the preparation of this bill these articles would have been placed there. And it is even claimed by many that such is the fact from a proper construction of the bill. This construc tion, however, was combated by Mr. Mc- Millin in his speech the other day, but his argument did not seem to satisfy the Virginia representative, Mr. O'Fer- rall. The following dipping, however, from the Washington Critic of April 26 indi cates that an understanding has been reached between these two gentlemen who are willing to destroy the wool industry and jeopardize an invested capital of $350,000,000 by placing that farm product on the free list. Here it is: "There was a little talk yesterday that the Ways and Means Committee would amend the tariff bill so as to include iron and coal on the free list, but Mr. McMil- lin has assured Col. O'Ferrall, of Vir ginia, that nothing of the kind is contem plated, and, what is more, the phraseology of the tariff bill will be changed so that all doubts on the point of free iron and coal will be removed. This will be inter esting news to the people of Southwest ern Virginia." Aside from the argument that the ne cessities of the situation require that the State of Virginia shall give its electoral vote to the Democratic party this fall, no argument can be urged in favor of duty on those products that will not be equally effective in protecting all the vast and varied industries of this country--many of which are being jeopardize I by advo cating the passage of this bill, and will be utterly destroyed if it becomes a law. I cannot sympathise with those who de nounce protection to home industries as a species of robbery. The argument in fa vor of protection rests upon the great principle of the advantage of diversified pioduction. Every industry is stimulated and benefited under a well-regulated tariff law. It keeps the currency in circulation among our own people instead of draining our country of it and sending it abroad to purchase products manufactured in for eign countries, and thus avoids financial distress. It brings the consumer and peoducer together, and saves the cost of transportation. While this protective tlfcory is maintained our country will go on in its marvelous accumulation of wealth and prosperity. The gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Dockery) in his free-trade argument here the other day, in his attempt to establish what he characterizes as the iniquitous f>rotective system, claimed that our tariff aws discriminate against the Great West, from which we both come, and took the States of Massachusetts and Illinois and contrasted their wealth per capita in 1860 and again in 1880, and drew what seemed to him a pleasing picture to the detriment or disadvantage of the great State which I have the honor in part to represent on this floor. I had hoped that I snould have the opportunity of perusing his remarks in the Record before making my answer to his unjust statements, but that privilege has been denied me by his discreetly withholding the reporters' notes of his address. Among his many claims was that the average per capita of wealth in Illinois in 1860 was $227, and that in the< twenty years intervening from 1860 to 1880 the State had progressed so slowly in the development of wealth that her per capita of wealth was bat $255 in 1880; while the great manufacturing State of Massa chusetts, with a per capita of wealth of $631 in 1860, by the develop ment of her manufacturing industry had increased her per capita' of wealth in 1880 to $888--an increase per capita in Illinois of $28 and in Massachusetts of. $257. These figures, as I learn, are based upon the assessed valuation of the prop erty of these two States at these two dif-, ferent periods. His conclusions are drawn from them without taking into considera tion the fact that the assessed valuation of the property in Massachneeette is ob tained upon an entirely different basis from that in Illinois. Of course, his con clusion and argument drawn from such, figures are utterly worthless. The total true valuation of "the property in Massar- chusetts in 1860 was $» 15,237,433, and bet total true per capita wealth at that time was $662. The total true valuation of the property in Illinois in 1860 was $871,880,- 282, and her per capita wealth was $509. The total true valuation of the property in Massachusetts in 1880 was $2,t>23,000,000, and her per capita wealth $1,471. The total true valuation of the pioperty in Illinois in 1880 was $3,210,000,000, and her aver age per capita wealth $1,043. These figures indicate a very different showing for the great agricultural State of Illinois than the gentleman from Missouri sought to establish. It is a striking fact that all of the re ductions of taxation which have occurred since the conclusion of the war, with the exception of the trifling ones made by the acts of March 1, 1879, and of May 28, 1880, aggregating a little over $6,000,000, were accomplished while the party now in the minority was in the majority and in control of legislation. Whatever inequal ities may exist in our present tariff laws the Republicans are willing and anxious to remedy. This bill increases instead of diminishes the inequalities of the law. With its title it*keeprj the word of prom ise to the ear but breaks it to the hope. * If it becomes a law in its present form, widespread disaster will follow in its wake. I should, as I feel regarding this bill, be false to my own convictions and to the best interests of the good people who honor rue by sending me here to represent them, if I failed to enter my solemn pro test against this unholy attempt to over throw the great industrial interests of America. Rewards of Patriotism in the South. To the Editor of the New York Tribune: 8ir: This has been the experience of loyal Southerners. 1. In standing for the Union we were invaded by the Confederates, and our lives in part lost and our property destroyed without redress. 2. In our conquest we lost the only re wards of victory, our ballot and fair count, adding the black to the white vote of oar enemies. 3. We lost all power in the Union. The Confederates proscribe us because we were disloyal to slavery, and the Nation pro scribes us because we are without power at hom3! 4. We are taxed without representation. 5. We are taxed by the States South to raise monuments to the men we conquered and to pension the men who ruined us. 6. We are taxed by the Unionists to pay for the erection of monuments to their heroes and pensions to the survivors of the war. 7. In the appointment to Federal offices of honor and profit, those who vainly en deavored to destroy the country are re warded. 8. In other countries and at other timss those who died for their country went into history, immortal in glory. Here, the clouds of obscurity already gather around us, and all else but our--infamy. LOTBTOT. Kentucky, May 10, 1888. Committed to Free Trade. This time, thanks to the Sovthern brigadiers. The country owes a debt of gratitude, probably to them exclusively, and not to the President in this instance, for the explicit commitment of the Demo cratic party to the cause of frea trade. Iu order to appreciate this, it must be re membered that the Presidential slave- driver has an owner behind him. He can crack his lash about the mutinous Demo crats as a master, but the Southern free traders are his master. The evidence is not scanty nor doubtful that the President had become slaved, and was willing to have his party attempt some evasion. But the Southern politicians, with more Eradical wisdptn, realized that the party ad been committed by his message and the Mills bill beyond recovery, that evasion would only weaken it, ana there fore insisted that the President should re quire, from his instruments at St. Louis, an express approval of the message and the pending bill.--New York Tribune. THB Democratic party has had control of. the House of Representatives for six years, during which time the surplus reve nues have grown to be oppressive. In all that time the party has not been able to present a measure which even the Demo crats could unite on. As a party they are consequently responsible for all the evils of a surplus in the Treasury vaults and the consequent danger to the money mar ket. They are entitled to the credit of having by a rude and in a dangerous way averted actual calamity last year, but the want of statesmanhip on the part of the Democratic leaders is the basis of the whole trouble. Time and again the Re publicans since the war have reduced revenues, internal and custom duties, and did so in the last Congress in which they had control of the House. In view of these facts the Democratic platform is a tissue of misstatements, and is misleading in every way.--Philadelphia Pre*». THUBMAN, who was pronounced too old three years ago by Cleveland for a place in his cabinet, has been nominated, the President having selected him as a can didate for the Vice President to please the friends of Hill of New York, who objected to any young man being placed on the Presidential track. It will not make much difference, as the Vice President who will be elected will be nominated at Chicago. It is melancholy to think that the Democrats could not find a man in their party below the age of 75 who was acceptable to President Cleveland for th* nomination.--Boston Journal TITE truth is Thurman is a life-lbng and incurable bourbon. His private character is stainless; that all admit. But his po litical record is one in which honest Northern Democrats of to-day cannot take pride. He is put upon the ticket to draw to it the mossback element of the party who are restive under the leadership of Cleveland. His candidacy may have the desired effect to a certain extent, but it will at the same time, we believe, disgust and drive away thousands of progressive young Democrats who are living in the present age.--Omaha Republican. SEXATOB CvhijOU thinks it is inevita ble that we should elect our ticket this year if no blunders are made. "The Solid South will meet with a responsive Solid North this year, beyond any question. I believe we will carry every Northern State. Oregon has indicated the drift, and the rejection of Gov. Gray in the Democratic national convention makes us sore of In diana. " • HENRY WATTEKSON is credited with making this seusible remark concerning Thuimjm'fc candidacy: "I fail to see the genius in bringing that old man out from among his books to an almost sure funer al. His decrepitude is well understood. When a man can hardly walk what do you want to put him in the next place but one to the President for?" Two OF the established facts of the campaign of 1888 appear to be that the Democratic oriflamme will be the ensan guined bandana handkerchief and that the Republic in banner will be the American flag. ' " A number of society girls in Mobile recently organized themselves into a minstrel troupe, blackened their faces, donned tlie professional wigs, and gave, a performance for the benefit of a char itable society. - ; J .. No VAN preaches his sermon well to others if bo his owa heart KEMINISCENCW^P PUBLIC MSN. BY THJC LATE BEH: PERUTY POOB* Henry Wilson, then the "Natick Cob bler,'* visited Washington when he was 24 years of age. Andrew Jackson was then President. William C Rivers was then in the Senate, and John C. Cal houn, Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, and Thomas H. Benton were there. Stephen A. Douglas was Attorney. General of the State of Illinois ; Abraham Lincoln was a captain in the Black Hawk war; Charles Sumner was editing "Dunlap's Treatise on Admiralty Practice;" Schuyler Colfax was the 'editor of the South Bend Register, and it was only twenty-eight years before Grant crossed the Rapidan, and encamped in the Wilderness. During that visit Mr. Wilson witnessed the passage of Pick- ney's resolutions against the reception of anti-slavery petitions in the House. He beheld the horrors of "Williams' slave pen." This was enough. From that moment the three grand central ideas of his life, manhood, anti-slavery, and the glory of America, held posses sion of lua thoughts, energiaed his brain, and controlled the action qf his private and public life. He vudiod bis native State, and made at Strafford, in 1836, his first anti- slavery speech, and in recalling the bright, historic memories which cluster like pearB |ronnd liis honored name it is interesting to mention the fact that this speechijvas made ten years before' Charles Sumner made his speech in Faneuil Hall against the annexation of Texas, and from which time dates his opposition to slavery, and fourteen years before the fugitive slave act was passed, and twenty-three years before John Brown's raid, and twenty-six years be fore he introduced the bill wluch abol ished slavery in the District of Colum bia, and twenty seven years before the emancipation proclamation of President Lincoln struck the shackles from every slave in the rebel States. The cloud which in 1836 was "no larger than a prophets hand," in less than a genera tion enclosed within its silver rim free America. Vallandigham was one of the North ern pro-slavery men who lushed to Har per's Ferry in October, 1859, to extort from John Brown, as he there wounded, with the bodies of his dead sons and comrades around him, a con fession of who his friends were. In the remarkable conversation that followed, Vallandigham was one of the chief fuestioners, and it was to him that trown replied: "No man sent me here; it was my own promptings and that of my Maker. I acknowledge no master in human form. I want you to un derstand, gentlemen, that I respect the rights of the poorest and weak est of the colored people oppressed by the slave system, just as much as I do those of the most wealthy and powerful. That is the idea that has moved me, and that alone." Returning to Ohio, Vallandigham bore testimony thus, while Henry Ward Beecher was calling Brown crazy, and the kid-gloved Atlantic styled him "an anachronism;" He is the farthest possible removed from the ordinary ruffian, fanatic, or madman; he has coolness, daring, per sistency, the stoio faith and patience, and a firmness of will and purpose un- oonquerable." By which it was clear Vallandingham, like King Richard, knew a man when ha saw mm. When the 8OS0$M» senators, early in 1861, wore thea&Eicauy taking their leave of the Senate Chamber, one afteranother. Judah B. Benjamin had the floor one afternoon, and was gracefully delivering a forcible argument. Senator Baker, of Oregon, who was to answer him, sat a little way removed, his classic face al ternately flushed and paling as the net work of passions prompted within. It seemed as if a pin might have been heard to fall, so perfect was the silence. Exoitement seemed to intensify as Sena tor Benjamin arraigned and re-arraigned the recreant North .In the midst of this superlative flight, the enormous Preston King of avoirdupois fame, senator from New York, forgetting his size, the dan ger of the times, the sublimity of the Elace, arose like one in a dream, and riskly walked directly before the Vice President's platform and seized a frail, common mahogany chair, and before any one was aware of his intention, he placed it directly in front of Mr. Ben jamin and sat down upon it. But the moment the chair began to feel a frac tion of his weight, its delicate legs be gan to tremble, and in an instant the immense Senator found his broad back Eressing the floor. There he lay efore tii* astonished galleries, like a sea-turtle, Ins feet and hands looking like huge flippers. The Sergeant-at- arms rushed to the rescue and attempted to turn him over, but this last indignity the great Senator spurned. All this was accomplished so suddenly that the spectators seemed paralyzed. When Mr. King attempted to pick himself up the mutteringa of the coming storm were heard, and like a thunderbolt, a laughter exploded that shook the cham ber from center to circumference. A dig nified senator called for the galleries to be cleared. The Vice President, laugh ing like all the rest, rapped for silence, and during the confusion Hon. Preston King quietly slipped back to his orig inal seat, a sadder if not a wiser man. Henry Wilson used to tell a good story about Ralph Waldo Emerson's attempt to "live like other folks." Stopping while this fit was on him at a country tavern in a village where he was to lec ture, instead of retiring to meditate and freeze in his own cold and cheerless room, he manfully sat in the bar-room like the rest of mankind. He endured the tobacco-smoke as well as lie could, and watched, no doubt with a curiosity as lively as M. Du Chaillu's on his first visit to a cannibal feast among the Fans, the actions of the men who "sat around." He saw one after another walk up to the bar and demand and swallow a glass of whisky; and, true to his determina tion to be for once like other men, the great philosopher--so the tale goes on --at last rose, and no doubt with a cer tain degree of diffidence, but no doubt also with a sufficiency of courage in his port and countenance, advanced to the bar, and in a voice modulated as nearly as he could after those he had just heard, demanded a "whisky skin." The bar keeper, a man of high principle, as well as sound discretion, looked into the. philosopher's face for a moment, and then said: "You do not Want whisky, you want ginger-pop"; and accordingly administered that mild and harmless stimulant. A Press Combination. It is to the credit of the newspapers that they never form trusts or combina tions, said the beautiful maiden, as she laid her head against the shoulder of the reporter, who had been assigned (by himself) for a special courting match that evening. It is true, he replied, that they never oosnbino V» put up the prioe oI papers, MrravtHeluM between you and ma there is no harm in a press combination. She smiled and he smiled, and then they combined.--Boston Courier. Carl Dander's Sayings. D«r possession of an eight-dap elocV seems to make some folks forget dot dere vhaB an eternity ahead. ' \ Vhen a man shumps up und waves his arms und cries out ash loud as he can, dot vhas not argument. Dot vhas some wind which makes up der lack of argument. If I haf a bird in my .hand I vhas all right for quail on toast. If dot bird vhas in some bushes, maype I doan' catch him in two weeks. One of der troubles mit some mans vhas der difference in opinion. No one else but deir selves beliefs dey vhas so werry slunart, und so der pooblic vhas declared ungrateful. Somepody says to me dot riches haf wings. So has a goose, un<l yet nopody goes bock on a goose on dot account. If I like a man I vish he would keep avliay from me. If I shmell onions mit der breath of a United States Senator he vhas gone oop shust so queek as if he vhas only a constable. We must all bend a leedle to public opinion. Dot vhas de reason I haf my bottled beer come into der house by wav of der ally. I know some families dot I should belief vhas next door to Heafen if dey would only keep deir windows down vhen dey quarrel. Vhen you tell me how we can make some puddings of Canada thistles, I shall tell you how some good can come from a loafer. It vhas surprising how much easier it vhas to forgif a man who has done you a real injury dan one who wrongs you unintentionally or one you haf wronged yourself. I like leedle shildren, und so I like cabbages. If shildren kept in deir places like cabbages I belief I like 'em der best. Vhen you find a friend who vhaa ready to listen to all your household troubles und advise mit* you, vou haf ma^e der worst enemy of "your life. If Mrs. Dunder pulls mv hair I doan' let somepody know if I die for it. You doan' know how selfish der poob lic vhas und how leedle people's rights vhas respected until you see me drive ondt some Soonday mit my horse und wagon. It vhas alright if I slitop in der middle of der road; it was all wrong if eaferpody else doan' keep py der right und let me pass. I know of some fellers" who set out twenty years ago to find perfect weather, good peoples, and a soft job mit big pay, und I notice dot dey got poorer each year. "\ Some times I doan* s^y;nothings, und eaferypody goes avhay und declares I vhas so wise dot I should be made President. Sometimes, again, I shpeak oudt my mind, und if she doan' agree mit der crowd eaferpody goes avhay und says I vhas a tool. -- Detroit Free Press. ______________ , What Is Slang! ' What is dang? Some one one^'ftaK- arded the assertion that all language is slang. It would be nearer the mark to define slang as essentially the applica tion of an illustration ludricously Com mensurate with the tiling to which ifc is applied, and, aocidentally, the familiar use of a technical expression in the sense for which it wp not intended originally. Slang is, in shtfrt, giving nicknames to things. "Mr. B.." Slays the rajxw| o| the boat race, '"rubbed the crews %ell and stroked them to Iffley." • Most persons acknowledge the ab surdity of "awful jolly" and other simi lar freaks of boyish exul>erance. Young ladies, too, have a slang of their own. A small thing is "wee" or "tiny," a pretty tiling is "bonny," the children at a school feast are "a goodly number," and they are "regaled" on tea and cake! Slang is everywhere. Why should "big" be reiterated when we mean "large," or "mighty" for "great?" Wnat is gained by calling a panic wa scare," a folly "a craze," a hoax "a sell." a ship (or a soldier) "a liner," or by say ing of a horse or a watch "it is a good goer," instead of saying "it goes well?" Even writers in the foremost ranks are sometimes guilty of extraordinary sole cisms. The Addison of our day, in one of his charming novels, tells liow his heroine had "laid awake all night." The eloquent and accomplished painter in words described liov "the Dea Sea laid waveless beneath him." Dickens has lent his sanction to "Our Mutual Friend." Phrases like these ar» plenti ful: "The reverend prepend, "the learned antiquarian, "equally as good as," "more preferable than," etc. When those who lead the way offend thus it is no wonder that; an invaii(|, recommending a couch, writes: "It"is most luxuriant," or that a servant savs: The cup must be stood on a -- National Review. South America Mosquitoes. Some ludicrous stories are told about adventures with the mosquitoes. I have been solemnly assured that very often when they have attacked a boat and driven its captain and crew below, they have broken the windows of the cabin by plunging in swarms against them, and have atte Although exaggeration, it is nevertheless true that frequently horses and cattle, after the most frightful sufferings have died from uito-bites on board the vessels, ot long ago a herd of valuable cattle were being taken from the United States to a ranch upon the Magdalena River, and became so desperate under the attacks of the mosquitoes that they broke from their stalls, jumped into the water and all were drowned. Passen gers intending to make the voyage usually provide themselves with protec tion in the shape of mosquito-bars, head- nets and thick gloves, and when on deck are compelled to tie their sleeves around their wrists and their pantaloons around their ankles.-- William Eforoy Curtis, ifl The American Magazine. j'-Dangers of Laundry wfeftierwomen are exposed Some undoubted risks in the manipulation of soiled and often infected clothes, etc., and they are generally the first to suffer when an epidemic of any contagious dis ease breaks out. Even with hands free from abrasions or injury, such diseases may be contracted, but if, as is more often the case, the skin be chapped and raw, blood-poisoning or severe local in flammation, such as whitlow, is ex tremely likely to follow. A case was recently reported of a woman who died from gangrene, resulting from a finger poisoned in wasliing the Clothes of. a person who had succumbed to an attack of erysipelas. THE year 1610, three years after this, first settlement, is known as the "starv-; ing time" iu Virginia, owing to the hardships w i i i M : « » - c i f t j w r m ii' KXPIOSITE EYE.<}LAMt&. i Metes 1 Artta* la Mad* «t attempted to burst in the doors, this may be something of an f'* * si...; y- *".v. ' • J i PM|M» That Lai* k Oollalbid-How That tMtona "Lookout!" The reporter dodged back as if ha had inadvertently touched an elected coil. "Great Heavens, man! Do you want to burn your fingers?" continued title merchant, excitedly. - " * • . - •' ; "What's the matter?" Av v.' "Matter enough. Those *ey*%!asse» of yours are framed in celluloid, and il you keep twirling them around in your fingers too near that gas jet you will have an explosion." The reporter placed the dangerous contrivance astride his nose, and the merchant, one of the largest dealers in the city, continued his conversation where this incident had interrupted it. "Most ceaMoid is made in France. Would you like to know how? Then listen: A roll of paper is slowly un wound, and at the same time is satu rated with a mixture of five parts of sulphuric acid and two parts of nitric acid, whiclufalls. upon the paper in a fine sprav. This changes the cellulose of the paper into pvroxyline (gun cotton.) The excess of the acid having been expelled pressure, the paper is washed with plenty of water until all traces of acid have been removed. It is then reduced to a pulp, and passes on to the bleaching trough. It is this gun-cotton which gives it its explosive nature. _ "Most of the water having been got rid of by means of a strainer, the pulp is mixed with from 20 40 per cent, of its weight of camphor, and the mixture thoroughly triturated under millstones. The necessary coloring having been added in the form of powder, a second mixture and grinding follows. This pulp is spread out in' thin slabs, which are squeezed in a hydraulic press until they are as dry as chips. Then they are rolled in heated rollers, and come out in elastic sheets. They are from that point worked up into' every con-, ceivable form. You can get celluloid collars, cuffs, hairpins, shirt fronts; cravats, penholders, brushes and combe, inkstands, knife handles, jewelry, and everything else almost that you can im agine. I have seen in Paris a room al most completely furnished in celluloid. The curtains, the furniture, the door knobs, and even the matting were made of this material. You may be sure no matches were ever carried there. Indeed, the room was nevel used. It was only a curiosity, and the man who owned it owned the factor? where it was made. These rooms wiil never be popular. Few men, even in this rapid age, care about being blown into the kingdom come in small frag ments, scorched and scattered, and that would be the fate of the man who let a lighted match fall in such a room." How Denver Lies, and Haw It CUM There. It is, not an easy matter to deacribe Deader. It is so similar to other cities, in many respects, that one feels doubt ful about the propriety or the necessity of mentioning many of its prominent features, and is in danger of forgetting that what may sjem only ordinary, is in reality most extraordinary. If the city were less substantial in appearance than it is, if it possessed certain glaring peculiarities, it would be much easier to describe it. But it so belies it* age, and seems so much older than it raally is, that one fails to taking foi granted that which should be surpris ing. Wide, shaded, and attractive-look ing streets, handsome residences sur rounded by spacious grounds, noble public buildings, and the many luxuries of city life, tempt one to forget that Denver has gained all these excellencies in less than twenty-five years. Every tree that one sees has been planted and tended; every attractive feature is the result of good judgment, and careful in dustry. Nature gave Denver the moun tains which the city looks out upon; but beyond those hills and the bright sky and the limitless plains, she gave noth ing to the place which one has only to see to adnure. The Bite originally woe a barren waste, dry and hilly. Nevez was it green, except perchance in early spring, and not a tree grew, save a few bushes clinging to the banks of the river. Surrounded on the east, south, and north by extended prairie lands,fast being converted into productive farma, and having on the west the mountains with their treasures of gold, silver, coal, iron, and lead, Denver is the natural concentrator of all the productions of Colorado. From it are fcent forth the capital, the machinery, and the thou sand and one other necessities of a con stantly increasing number of people en gaged in developing a hew counter, The history of Denver is interesting rather than eventful. It was born of the first Pike's Peak gold excitement in 1858-9, and in 1860 was simply a strag gling camp of log cabins and tenta. From this time the population of what is now Colorado increased with phenom enal rapidity. In August, 1860, there were as many as 60,000 people engaged in mining, and 165 quartz-mills had been erected, at a cost of $1,800,000. Denver during this era became the ac knowledged base of supplies. The camp was centrally located, and was, more over, a station on the Ben Holliday route across the continent. When the mining excitement subsided, as it had by 1865, Denver was too firmly estab lished to be materially affected by the change in the fortunes of the State. Its population, indeed, was considerably larger than when the excitement ran highest. While many of the districts failed to meet the expectations once held regarding them, there were a few that proved richer than had been anticipated. Among these was the Clear Creek ter ritory, forty miles west of Denver. The towns, or camps, in that district con tinued to hold their own, and were the main-stay of the settlement near the junction of Cherry Creek and the Platte. To Central City, Black Hawk, and Georgetown. Denver may be said to owe its continuance during that period when the future of Colorado was most uncertain. Had they failed, and had the mines there proved unproductive, it may well be doubted if Denver could have maintained its existence.--Ed-1 wards Roberts, in Harper's Magarine. Harked Difference. Judge F. of a certain town in Con necticut is a man of venerable presence, •with snow-white hair and beard, but somewhat too fond of an extra glass, and the indulgence has left its traces. At tending court in a neighboring town lately, as he passed out of the dining- room a stranger remarked to a bright young lawyer at his side: "There goes a man who shows the marks of care." "The marks of don't care, rather!" re~, marked the quick-witted attorney. THE man who minds his own business constantly attewto tn ]|p time employed. x '«" -* ^ i • '11 Bi f ramptoa. •£ Hlhatl Collage Jacksonville, is dead at UM SMI --The trial ofOeorgeBoyd for the nrar- of AureUu» Williams ̂ began, at Peeator the 13th. --A fine fn»m the State Deaf fend Dumb Institution in Jackww- villo. Tbe ̂ bool* Mm largest and b«s*i» the world, has closed another pzosperoos year. - '* *' • --John Kelley aMHctedhU little daugh ter from the home of her mother i tin, a town near Jacksonville. •' a miner who went West six months i search of wealth and while away his1 affections seem to have been from him. On his return she avoided I wherenpon he seized the child awl Suddenly. --Georgo V. Hnbbsrd, Ghief of 1 Captain John Bonfield, Chief InapectoHHt Detectives, and Sergeant Bcngley, afi iaf the Chicago force, visited the Joiiet ftsiifi* tentiary for the purpose of examining into the workings of the Bertilliou system ot measurements as practiced at the |ilfs<ll. and which was generally introduced into the prisons throughout the United States last winter. It has proved very successful A; throughout tite cities and prisons ot France in identifying "habitual criminals," no lesB than S00 being identified there la one year under this system. It is their in tention to introduce the plan into Chicago, to be used at the various stations in that city. --The seventeen-year loeasts hate sp> pear6d at Bockford in myriads, covering vegetation almost completely in places. They are not' locusts, properly speaking, but a species of the cicada. They are not very harmful to vegetation and do aot feed much upon it. The only way, in which they cause any damage is by lodg ing their eggs in the extreme ends of branches of trees or bushes and •sefiot<|?, ing them so that they break, giving tha foliage the appearance at a Might, while in reality it is harmed but very little. The ineeqts are of a flattened -cylinder shape, of orange-brown color, two inehM long, with wedge-shaped heads, red eyea» and large, white lace wings. The eggs, after maturity, drop to the ground and work under the surface to the roote of trees, upon which the larva are nourished for seventeen yean. They then woril (s the surface and cling upmi the ti<ee/de- veloping into matured specimens. They live hut a few weeks in their mature state, only long enough to deposit thsfcr egg* They were probably given the asms af locusts by early settlers, who ootid of no other insect which appeared in i numbers. The males appear several day* 7' after the females «»d make a qaser, bussing sound. --Union tailoia at Boekfoed wast ' jCl on a atrike for an ineteaee of wages. '* --At a meeting of the Paris City (Ml* cil the saloon lioenae .was raised from 9t0§ ^§§§| to 91,000 per annum. Ten saloons took t ; a. a* > J® out licenses. , - •£-ftt. Vitus' danoe has appeared in Da- ,' f:: quoin, as an epidemio, a naaaber of -jper- sons having been afflicted with ths staange malady-recently. --The clothing of a llve-year-eld dkttt of Lewis Emetine, residing neer' Cei$a Qordo, caught fire from a burning hndh«"' pile, and before help arrived tha ehild N* ceived burns that proved fatal. --Dr. Withrow, of the Third Freehy*1- terian Church, preached the sermon at Monticello Seminary, The semi-centennial of the seminary was celebrated on the 12th by a reunion of its pupils. '• --"the returns of - the late judicial eleo> tion in the Thirteenth Circuit have been canvassed by the State Canvassing Board, and commissions have been isiued to J. D. Crabtree, of Lee. and J. H. Cartwright, of Ogle County, as the new Circuit Judges. --Sensational scenes are ieported fnua HI |̂ the faith-cure camp meetingat Oakland Park, near Deoatur, conducted by lbs. Maria Woodworth, the tranoe evangelist. Four young persons fell to the ground in trances, remaining unconscious over an hour* and others professed saarrelous cures. --The funeral services of the Hon. A. T. Hill, ex-Mayor of Deoatur, former county f official, and ex-President of the National ̂ Bank, were held the 10th, and were largely, attended. All of the county officers, the . city officials, and township officials at tended in a body. The services wave conducted by the Bev. Dr. Vosburgh, 6f the Baptist Church, assisted by the Bev. W. H. Prestley, of the Presbyterian* Church. The funeral cortege was the* . largest ever witnessed in Deoatar, It in* eluded seventy-three vehiclee, with tha officials on foot. --St. Mary's Catholic Church, of Cham paign, laid the foundation of a new ohaieh edifice recently. Addresses were made by> Rt. Rev. Bishop Ryan, of Alton, and •' prominent clergymen of St. Louie.! f Bishop Ryan said that the Catholic popu- r lation had increased in America in twenty, • years from 3,000,000 to 20,000,000. Ha ̂ laid the corner-stoue, inclosing pnblia ̂ documents and interesting maanseripts. % The church will coat about 930,000, of which $12,000 is now available. Fa«r I; thousand persons attended the «erem»- 'i nies. ' --Alexander Hill, of Decatur, ex-Mayor | and President of tha D«eatur National Bank, died of apoplexy, aged 69. : ' ^1 . --G. D. Sayre, aged 6G and ineene, eosa- mitted suioide at Bookford by drowning ̂ himself. --Charles Smith broke into the Tlfinoia Central 6hops at Champaign and stole- a * watch belonging to William Richter. He ̂ was arrested while trying"te escapeon a *; freight train. ' :l;t| --Sanford Sherman, 'ins' eccentric t>ul $ wealthy citizen of Lena, is dead. He was S supposed to have murdered his wife's £5 brother some twenty-five years ago. --A shocking tragedy was enacted i$ tha-- ̂ beautiful little village of Nooui F*rk, 1 near Chicago. Mrs. James J. Harrington, ^ the demented wife of a well-known Chi- * j cago druggist, deliberately saturated her ̂' clothing with turpentine and set it aire. She was burned to a crisp, tod thoaf, who were summoned to the unfortunate woman bv her shrieks of agony were naahll to sivbsr. '•Ails , ,..v T.^.r > .. .