TWftfiSTSATFREE TKADE • v.«̂ *•- ' * 'tTTtn--rT~'t * al«y, at the Georjit Chan* iMiqna, Speaks E.oqmntiy" for Protection. ̂ 3ltt 4n«t Evil* of Free Trade Exposed la ilTftaner that- Surpri|e« . ? „ » thi 8o"nthfinMf& , • 1 SfttCBi Under Which the C«tt»trjr ^ -8«' Pr»sp«rpd. Nhffrtd n I Longer Continued. *4 ch delivered in the House of Representa- ;,s uni .MaylH, 1878, defined * revenue duty as • pri «blt address of Ifoa. Willlira McKinley, Jr., de livered at Atlanta, Ga., on the 'its; of Augudt, on til* Invitation of the Piedmont Societv: The Hon. J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia, an •acnlnent lawyer and experienced statesman, in a ••peecT t r a p . . . . follows: "Therefore, as no higher duty ought to be laid than is needed to raise the requisite rev enue on any particular article, it follows that "the true revenue duty is the lowest duty which •Will bring ths required revenue." Tfels definition is a .fair and tr»nkone, jind I , '* aeoiepttt. >A ravetme'tariff ie, therefore, tfuch a '^n^ M will produce the largest.revenue from the lowest duty. The lowest rate of duty will . «noourage importations, diminish home produc- * tkm, and inevitably increase the revenue; it will of' necessity check competition at home and •end our merchants abroad to buy; it affords no ...protection, not even incidental, for the very in- «tant you discover that such duty •favors the home"' producer, that instant you ^discover that importations and revenue '"•re checked, and that our own producers are able to control the home market or a part of it. nenat once the advocate of a revenue tariff re duces the duty, brings it down to the true rev mae standard; for it must not be overlooked, ac- -aonttng to that free-trade maxim, "where pro- Motion begins reveuue ends," and th< question of revenue is always controlling. A revenue tariff is inconsistent with pro- ' taction; it is intended for a wholly • different purposes. It loses its forces and char acter as a g ntifne revenue tariff whtn it be- "OOmei to any extent protective. It has but one object. It can have but one effect--that of open- ,,tng up our markets to the foreign producer, im poverishing the homj producer, and enriching his foreign rival. England is more nearly a free trade country 'than any other, and her system of taxation |fnn>tshes an unmistakable example of the prae- f!Wee>and principle of a revenue tariff. Her im- ]][Kttt~duties aie imposed almost exclusively upon ' : articles which cannot be produced by her own ipeople upon her own soil. Tobacco, snuff, cigars, ••chicory, cocci, currants, figs, raisins, rum, biandy. wine, tea, and coffee--these are the ar- . '.tides from which her customs revenue is de- rWed--articles, in the main, not produced In • •*Kngland. but which must be supplied from • fabroed ; while practically all competing products •of foreign make and production are admitted ' through her custom-houses free of duty. A brief statement of the dutiable imports of Great ' . - .'Britain will not be without interest. It will be r --observed that her duties are more Itr-jelv im- • • i posed upon peculiarly American products :: v >fhat upon any others. The duty upon 'tobacco is, according to moisture, from ; > * " 8i to 92 cents per pound for the raw or • Unmanufactured article, and if manufactured it eys a duty of from 31.04 to SI. 16 par pound, ie manufactured article is made dutiable at 90 rsents ft pound greater than the raw product, "Which, with all of England's boasted free trade, its intended as a protection to those engaged in ^manipulation of tobacco. It is almost pro- ' to Americans who would export mann- 3 tobacco. The advalor. m equivalent Of i duty on tobacco is nearly 2,100 per cent. Cigars my a duty of $1.3*2 per pound, and from tobacco and snuff over g43,OJO,OOJ of duties are •collected annually. The duty on tea is 12 cents a :pound. How would the American enjoy paying each a duty upon this article of every day use? .j,, 'The duty collected from this source is over $18,- *•000,000 annually. Coffee Days a duty of 3 cents a "pound, but if ground, prepaied or in any way manufactured, it must pay a duty of 4 cents a pound--another sample of where England i»ro- tecta those engaged in manufacture. Cocoa pays a duty of 2 cents a pound, but if it is in any form subjected to manufacture it pays 4 cents a the duty on the manufactured article be- fWnOlM of this ootm ele. tHh<ynw> et?hty-four thousand pounds of |H wan Im ported last year. At >0 oents apfenfed *8,000,000 •Ml upward «w« hare goaa into the Treasury, •»ty dollar of whteh would have boon paid by our own people. Take sugar, aa another exam ple. We produced last year in this country about 8 per oant of what our people oonauuaed. The duty collected from imported sugar amount ed to ss-«,OJO,QOO. The dbmaaaojHodciotion waa so inaon sidsrable as oom pared with tkedomestic cm sumption as to have bad little, if any, appre ciable effect upon the prioe to the oonsumer, and therefore this sum was almost wholly paid by our own citizens, and the ooat of augar, to the American consumer, because oi the In adequate home supply, is prao ioally the for eign price, duty added, the domeatto produc tion being so small contrasted With the do mestic demand that it in n6 wise oontrolled or influenced the pries. The price to us ia flxeS by the 92 per oent. which came from abroad, plus the amount of the duty collected at the custom-house. It would have been Other wise if the bulk of our consumption waa pn>- ducrd at home. If you take any American pro duction which is large enough to supply the domestic demand the effect Is different. Then . in its f .Ineas has fa «<ur tew*, and whenever re commercial and new eni . proepenty to fhe maates parallel in the world's annala. The wnaut tariff periods in our hi story .have been periods of greatest financial revulsions and Industrial decadence, want and poverty' Among ^j^fililai the foreign production must undersell the production in order to get a foothold in this lobar- ket, and therefore the foreign producer la willing to surrender the whole duty, or a considerable part of it, consenting to less profits for the sake of extending his markets, with the bopeof ulti- The real raising money wnanii fctbitive t laotured 1 the duty < :CS. 7 ' F':V . , J double that on the raw material. Besides i the articles I have named, there are about ninety ' or a huncUvy] others, chiefly of American produc tion, paten ted and other medicines, which are -dutiable at #3.3t> per gallon. More than •95,000,- •000, or nearly one-fourth of the British revenues, ^ -are raised from customs duties. You will note the character of taxation to : 'WhM> the revenue refoamer invites the people the United States. Both the breakfast table •nd the sick room are made to bear a large part Of the burden under the British system of taxa- Uvjtton. It is not without significance that the ^••erar we approach this system the more gen- "•'"^*!>us . the bestowal of British commendation. ..» SVmji step we take in that direction, every en- - largement of the free list of competing foreign products, every reduction of duty upon Buch Srodocts, is hailed as a vindication of Cobden «nd a beneficence to British interests. It is in ^min for the British statesman to assure us that . theirsystem is best for us. We are not accus tomed to look to our commercial rivals for ilis- ' interested favors. "It is folly,"" said Washing ton in his farewell address, "in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another • that «t must pay, with a portion of its independence, , *o*whatever it may accept under that character. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to na- * •Hep. It is an illusion wliich ex|>eriei!ce must '•we and which, a just pride ought to discard." We are not, Mr. President, insensible to the opinion of mankind and the English- • ^smaating race, but when It is to be had only at " ffneeapense of our industrial independence, at °f the diimity a ad Independence of 5 **abar and the destruction of national prosperity, •fj* must regard it with supreme suspicion ™ tram it as the eulogy or selfish interest and -•ho commendation of interested greed. The other theory of taxation, and the abe : Wnjch I believe to be essential to Amerioan de velopment and national prosperity, is based onan exactly opposite principle, it permits •™«1m foreign production, whether of the Id, the factory, or the mine, except luxuries S'Sn?' whlch we caja 1101 produce in the United * States, to enter our ports free and unburdened custom house exactions. The duty is to be ;imposed upon the foreign competing product, that is, the product which, if brought into this Own'inju, eontsnd with the products of our _ . i, our own labor, and our own factories, Jn our own market*. Under this system If the *we4gn producer would enter our market with a product he must contribute eome- mately destroying home competition. question, therefore, is whether in rals to supply the government needs we should have thoughtful concern of the industrial interests of the people we represent, or, discarding every other consideration shall adjust oar duties tqton the revenue principle to secure revenue, and revenue only. The money must be raised, and in raising it the protectionist is mindful of the interests of our own people. The tariff reformer is considerate of everybody else's interest but our own. I can not understand why so long as taxation must be resorted to (and that wiU be the case so long as governments exist) it should not be raised upon the foreign article which competes with the domestic article, and thua discriminate in favor of our own and against the foreign, rather than to admit to equality in our markets untaxed, and upon equiQ terms with our own producers, the products of our foreign rivals. The protective system but invokes the high est law of nature--that of self-government. W*. McKlNIiKY, J&. the people, private enterprises oheoked, aawl public works retarded. From 1833 to 1-M2, under the low tariff legislation then prevailing, busi ness was at a atandstill, and our merchants and traders were bankrupted, our industries were paralysed, our labor remained idle, and our capital was unemployod. Foreign products orowded our markets, destroyed domestic com petition, and, as invariably follows, the price of commodities to consumers was appreciably raised. It is an instructive fact that overy panic this country has ever experienced has been pre ceded by enormous importations. From 1846 to 1861 a similar situation was presented under the low tariff of that period. Contrast this period with the period from 1063 to 188), the former under a revenue tariff, the latter under a protec- i used in mann- Thelawisposl- 'SrMiTr«^^iSh « «-ahalI, wheirwfeorWibo antV iWrbaok oi 90. uimt atthe dutfM i raw materials! Some use haa beea Nat laws. The remission of duttaa 6S8. On aonaa articles the drawback is equal to the duty paid, but in no ipstanoe where arti cles am Imported tot • bo manufactured Id sent abrojd , i* the duty to ex- Deroent. And-yet we are gravely told rafwmers that we oannot reach •W^Jf mm tha markets on account ot UM high material, when, in fact, for reign raw materials are praetici tariff on, foreign here a] ceed W foreign the rfcw pnieticaTly free, waa recognized aa early as the of George Washington, and has been eblargsd and mdde applicable to all im ported materials, the drawoacks varying from vo to 100 par oent. Whit becomes, then, of the cry fir free raw materi is in the presence of this fact? ^ Th* truth is, we are not so much con cerned about the foreign market as we are about the home Market. The latter is 'the best, and we have not yet until wo 4o, that should be our chief concern; but if an£ of our people are sighing for a for eign marui, and value it more highly than our .own, they eatt Import foreign raw material prac tically free of duty, and after advancing into the higher forms of manufacture can go out and posaaaa the world's markets. Taxed raw materials do not stand in their way, and it is hypocrisy to claim otherwise. "The markets o the world" ttt our present condition are a snare and a delusion. We will reach them whenever can undersell competing nations, and no sooner. Tariffs do not keep us out, and free trade will not make it easier to enter them. Let me give you a brief exhibit of some of our foreign trade, what we buy and what we sell. In th* year ending June.30. 18h7, we bought of Mexiccv the Central American States, British Honduras, and tha governments of the West Indies and South America, products to the value of $172,- 468,528, and aold these governments of our prod ucts about 83% per cent, in amount of what we bought of them, or about 960,000,000; and as a showing that our protective tariff did not pro duce this uncomfortable balance agatpst us* J fhMMuri* Welcome 11M to the City, Wlere He Delivers a Tenia? AMrws. Okie and MILLS THE GREAT TARIFF TINKER SI r R A D E SOtDEH m i s. mm NOW, HI8THER W": it tereign producer /VMnpsttng prodi t°r the privilege which he is to enjoy, and this something m the form of duties, goes into "-the Treasury, furnishing revenue to the Govern- I'jneut I an(i these duties operate to protect the 'Joint product of labor and capital against a like - JBNlgn product. This mode of levying duties ; fy^ygrB a double purpose. It produces revenue '•to the Government and at the same time fosters •;i w encourages the occupations of our own |>eo- ple, promotes industrial development, opens up now mines, builds new factories, and sustains those already established, which in turn furnish .3 employment to labor at fair and remunera- teve wages. A revenue tariff accomplishes = but a B ngle purpose--that of raising ;,r: revenue; it has no other mission, while • ? protective tariff accomplishes this and more--it brings revenue to the American Treas ury and discriminates in favor of the American vittsen. A revenue tariff invites the product of foreign labor and foreign capital to occupy our markets free and unrestrained in competition With the product of our own labor and capital. A protective tariff invites the product of foreign labor and foreign capital which are necessary to uie wants of our people (which we can not pro- • duce in the United States) to occupy our mar- awts and go untaxed to the people, but insists ' that every foreign product which is produced at home, or can be successfully, in quantities capa- blejof supplying the domestic consumption,shall, whenever necessary to maintain suitable re- vards to our labor, bear a duty which shall not be so high as to prohibit importations, but at Such a rate as will produce the necessary reve nues and at tlie same time not destroy but en tourage American production. It says to the •world of producers: - If you want to share with the citizens of t' e United States their home uarket, you must i ay for the privilege of doing It Your product shall not enter in free and un restrained competition with the product of our «wn people, but shall be discriminated against te such an extent as to fully protect and defend •ur own." It is alleged as a serious objection to protec- •tive duties that the tax, whatever it may be, In- "creaBes the cost of the foreign at well as the ' domestic product to the extent of such tax or <iuty, and that it is wholly paid by the consum- •r. This objection would be worthy of serious consideration if it were true, but, as has been - demonstrated over and over again, it is without foundation in fact. Wherever the foreign product has successful competition at home the • uuty is rarely paid by the consumer. It is paid P"®1 th 3 profits of the manufacturer, or div ded oetween him and the merchant or the importer < awl diminishes their profits to that extent. i>uty or no duty, without home competition the ' *JS®aai?ler would fare worse than be fares now. There is not in the long line of staple products - l)y the people a single one which has : • not been threatened by competition at home Jnade possible by protective duties. There is > Hot an article tout enters into the every day l^e which is produced in the • united evtates that has not been made cheaper - jwre accessible as the result of home pro- and development, which was to be se- only by the sturdy maintenance of the While this is true of protec- ̂ the opposite is true of rev- tariffs. They are always paid by the con- •wner. Aduty put upon a foreign product, the Hke of which is not produced at home and Which enters our markets free from home com petition, the cost to the American consumer is exactly the foreign cost with the duty added -- that maybe, much or little. Suppo*! there was a tax upon tea and production of these arti- is, and therefore no com- the ooat .89,000 pounds of iiof a pound would have produced tO'tbe Government over ®5'2,000,000, which woukl feav* been paid by the 12,000,000 Ttiefe te @reryTetrebtt, founded in justice, why the American producer should in every constitu tional way be favored as against the foreign producer whose products compete with his. This is is our natural market; we have made it. We have made it after a century of struggle. We have made it after a cost of capital and brain and muscle. We have preserved it against foreign wars and domestic conflicts, at a great aacrifioe of men and money. The foreign pro ducer has contribut d nothing to the growth or development of the country. Whatever influence he has exerted has been against us and to our detriment. He has nothing in common with us. He is without the jurisdiction ot our laws. He cannot be reached by the tax-gatherer. He is exempt from all civil obligations inevervpart of the republic. We can make no requisition upon him, either in peace or in war. Our mode of reaching him is throu ih the product ho would send to our markets. We can demand of him that his merchandise shall make contribution to our Treasury if he would enjoy the use of our markets. We can make him serve ua in no other way. In the case of a revenue tariff, as I have pointed out, his product never bearB the burden. Whatever we put upon it is borne by our own people, and in no wise shared by him. This principle of Caring for our own is founded upon the highest authority, human and divine. It commences with the family, extends up through the community, to the State, and at last to the nation. There is no city in the country in any section that does not invoke this principle in the administration of municipal government for the prot ction and encouragement of its own citizens. The itinerant vender is taxed in every city of the land. If he would expose his wares upon the streets of Atlanta at public auction I doubt not the city government compels him to pay a tax for the privilege of doing it, and that tax is added to the ordinary revenues of the city to assist in meeting its obligations. Now, why is this done? Upon exactly the same principle that we tax the foreign competing product under the system of protection. It is done to protect the resident merchants of your city, who are with you always, within your jurisdiction, sub ject to your laws, contributing to the wealth and progress of your city, paying taxes to adorn and beautify it, paying taxes to support your public school* and make public improvements. The itinerate vender has no such relation to your community. He is no part of your politi cal organism. He comes and goes; he is not a tax-payer; he shares in none of the burdens of your people; he is a free-trader, who looks upon your market as much his and aa open to him as to your own >le. Your city government taxes him your own and pure, which we wu.sir • nfliujiir to diminish the burdens borne by citisena. This is protection, simple and ia the exact character of that which. we would apply to foreign nations seeking our markets. Our fathers recognized this principle. It was emphasized in the secsudact ever passed by the Congress of the United States. The ringing words of that declaration for industrial independence I wish might find a lodgment in every American heart: Whkkeab, It ia necessary for the support of the Government, for the discharge of the debts of the nation, and for the encouragement and protection of manufacturers that duties be levied on imported goods, wares and merchan dise. A more positive declaration in favor of the protective system it would be difficult to fiud language to express. This was the first import ant legislative declaration under tbi Federal proteotlve jyster > tire tariffs, exact? M.-1 " There being no pi in the UaltedBtates, We imported last year m, fee. iT dnty At 10 oents produced to-tlM Govern i tive tariff. In 1850 we liad 160,(XX),000 acres ot improved land, while in 1880 we had 287,000,000, a .1 increase of 75 per cent. In 1860 our farms were valued at $3,200,000,00;). In 1880 the value had leaped to $10,197,000,000, an increase of over 3 JO per cent. In 1860 we raised 173,000,000 bush els of wheat; in 1880, 498,000,000. In I860 we raised 838,000,000 bushels of corn; in 1880, 1,717,- 000,000 bushels. In 1860 we produced 5,000,000 bales of cotton ; in 1880, 7,000,000 bales, an in crease of 40 per cent. In 1860 we manufactured cotton goods to the value of S115,*581,774; in 18H0 the value reached $211,000,003, an'increase of up ward of 80 per cent. In 1800 we manufactured of woolen goods $01,000,000; in 1830, #267,000,- 000, an increase of 333 per cent. In 18!i0 we produced 60,000,000 pounds of wool; in 1880, 240,000,000 pounds, an increase of nearly 300 per cent. In I860 we mined 15,000,- 000 tons of coal; in 1880, 79,003,000 tons, an in crease of over 400 per cent. In I860 we made 987,000 tons of pig iron ; in 18*0, 3,a35,000 tons. In 1800 we manufactured 235,003 tons of railroad iron, and in 1880, 1,208,000 tons. In I860 our ag gregate of national wealth was $16,159,0 W.00J; in 1880 it was $43,000,1)00,00,1. From 1848 to 1860, during the low tariff period, there was but a single year in which we exported in excess of what we imported. The balanc • of trade during the twelve of the thirteen years was against us. Our people were drained of their money to pay for foreign purchases. You noea not be told that the Government and the people are most prosperous whose bal ance of trade is in their favor. The Government is like the citizen, indeed it is but an aggregation of citizens, and when the citizen buys more than he sells he is soon conscious that his year's business has not been a success. Our wealth increases $875,000,000 every year, while the in crease of France is $375,000,000, Great Britain $325,000,000, and Germany $200,000,000. The total carrying capacity of all the vessels entered and cleared from American ports during the year 188 >-87 in the foreign trade was 28,000,0.10 tons. The amount of freight transported by the railroads of tho United States was alono 482,000,- 000 tons during the same period. The Hum of our industries exceeds that of any other people or tribe or nationality. Mulhalf, the English statistical placet the industries of th • United States at $11.40 >.000,000 annually, wnich is $2,205,- 000,000 greater than those of tho United Kingdom of Great Britain, nearly twice that of France or Germany, nearly three times that of Ituss a, and almost equal to the aggregated Industries of Austria, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Holland, Aus tralia, Canada, and Sweden and Norway. This advancement is the world's wonder. The nations of ibe earth can not furnish auch a splendid progress in any age or period. We defy a revenue tariff policy to present such an exhibi tion of material prosperity and industrial de velopment. Arts, science and literature havo held thefr own in this wonderful march. We are prosperous to-day beyond any other people. The masa»a are better cared for, better provided for, more aelf-respecting, and more independent than ever bafore in our history, which can not be said of the masses of other countries. One of the striking differences between a revenue turiff and a protective tariff is that the former sends the money of its people abroad for foreign si p- pliea, and seeks out a foreign market.. The lat ter keeps the money at homo among our own people, circulating through the arteries of trade, &id creates a market at home, which is always the best because ihe most reliable. Ope of the chief complaints against the proi Constitution. The only other law that preceded it was that of fixing the oath of office of certain Federal officials. It was made even before Wash ington was inaugurated. It subsequently receiv ed his sanction, and it is a fact not without sig nificance that his approval was given to it on a day memorable in American history, the 4th of July, 1789. It had the approval of James Madi son, Kufus King, Roger Sherman, Trumbull, L<ee, and a host of other leading men from all parts of the Union. Additional tariff legislation was had in 1790. Home duties were increa ed. The journal of the House of Representatives disclosea the fact that of the thirty-nine vot s given in favor of the bill, twenty-one were from the Southern States. Of the thirteen votes against, nine were fr< Mew England St-ites, three from the Bo States, and one from tjka Middle States. It will thus be seen that we are largely indebted to the South for the inauguration aad epiatrt ahmant of the protective syatem in tho United States, which haa for tha moat part governed our luffi need only state that more than one-tlalf of tha products we bought were not subject to any tariff tax at all, but were admitted free of duty. Upon what terms can we adopt a reveuue tariff system in this country? In one way only, by uccepting European conditions, and submit ting to all the discomforts and disadvantages of our commercial rivals. The chief obstruction in the way of a revenue tariff are the wages paid American workingman, and any return to that policy involves a reduction of the cost of labor. We cannot afford, Mr. President, to have cheap labor in the United States. Cheap labor means cheap men and dear money. I would rather elevate and improve the condition of my fellow- citizens than increase the value of money and the power of "money-bags." This is a republic of free and equal citizenship. The government is in the hands of the masses, and not of the few. This is our boast, and it is a proud one. The condition of the masses, their well-being, their intelligence, their preparation for the civil duties which rests upon them, depend largely upon the scale of industrial wages. It is essential, therefore, that the best possible wages attainable shall be secured and main tained. This is vital and fundamental. We can not without grave danger and serious dis turbance--we ought not under any circum stances--adopt a policy which would scale down the wages and diminish the comforts of the American workingmen. Their welfare and inde pendence, their progress and elevation, are clcsely related to the wolfara and indei>endonce and progress of the republic. We have got no pampered class in this country, and we want none. We want the field kept open. No nar rowing of tho avenues; no lowering of our bt indard. We want no barriers raised against a higher and better civilization. The gateway of opportunity must be open to all, to the end that they may be first who deserve to be first, whether born in poverty or reared in luxury. We do not want the masses excluded from com peting for the first rank among their country men and for the nation's greatest honors, and we do not mean they ahull be. Free trade, or a revenue tariff, will of neces sity shut hem out. It has no respect for labor. It holds it as the mere machinery of capital. It would have cheap 'hen that it might have cheap merchandise. With all of its boaBted love for the struggling millions it is infinitely more in terested in cutting down the wa^es of labor than in saving 25 cents on a blanket; more intent in reducing the purchasing power of a man's labor than the cost of his coat. Things ar not always dearest when their price is nominally the high est. The price is not the only measure, but the wherewith to buy it is an essential factor. Few m n before me but have found in the course of their lives more than once that that which was cheapest when measured by mere price was the deareatwhen they were without money and employment, or when their products could find no market, and, finding it, command no price at all commensurate with the labor required to produce them. Primarily, it is lab»r which is most interested in this question of protection. The man with money can seek other avenues of profit aud investment, or can wait for his divi dends, but the laborer can not wait for his din ner, and ths United States do not wan' citizens who make Presidents and Senates and the House of Representatives to be in a condition of de pendence and destitution. That ia not the sort of citizenship we want. tective system is its alleged hindrance to foreign trade ana a foreign market for our own products. It ia argued that if we could import raw mato. rial from other coun rles free, and manufacture such raw material into products for use, we could export them at great profit and thus se cure a standing in the markets of the world. This story is wholly, as I believf, illusory. It is without substance. We have an example of free raw material in a certain line of manufactures-- 1; at of leather for boots, shoes, etc., etc. In 1872 hides and skins were made free go that our manufacturers could import them without cus tom house burdens. They have had "freo trade" in their raw material now for sixteen years. The industry has been an exceptionally aucoeas- ful One, and you can not avoid bein.^ surprised when I aay to you that in these sixteen years we havo been able to export but 2 per cent, of the leati or production of the country. But if free raw material be n cure an export trade and the foreign market#, .. _ . - • ra to-day necessary tb ao- . . oreign ma ' than I answer that our mannfacturara J MM*.*.,.*.*- - m - Turn rebel demagogue Brooks, who is running on the Prohibition ticket for Vlee President, ap pears to be one of the most contemptible crea tures that the Almightv ever permitted the breath of life to enter. His flippant boast of having been a traitor to his coun :.ry, coupled with the sneering remark that although he had done many mean things he had never been guilty of voting for a Republican, shows not only hia viperish disposition, but the small mental cali ber of the men. If the Prohibitionists of thj North who love their country and despi-e a traitor vote any tickot having on it the name of this person Brooks, they will ever after share with him in bearing the load of popular eon- temp;, which la now hia alone.--Winona publican. The Votan Aaked to Work For 8apport American Friaoiplaa ̂ * and Protection. PTOIJCDO CORRKSPONDEXCB,] It waa raining when Gen. Harrlaon left Indian apolis for Middle Baaa Island. Put-in-Bav. The first demonstration of any kind along the route oocurred at Kokomo, fifty-four miles from In dianapolis, whare hundreds of workman and railroad employes had congregated awaiting Gen. Harrison's arrival. They cheered the Gen eral, and went to tha rear platform and shook hands with him. The General made no address. Just before the train arrived at Peru It stopped at the shopB of the Lake Krie And Western Rail way and the workmen, in their aprons and soiled hands, ran out to greet the General, who stepped down in their midst and shook hands daring the brief stop. At Peru a crowd o( nearly 1,000 greeted the General and his party as they alighted. It was with a great deal of difficulty that the General made his way to the waiting-room of the depot, where he received the people. From Peru to Fort Wayne, fifty-six miles, the trip was made without special incident, every little station furnishing its crowd to satisfy whom the (General appeared on the rear plat form. In the meantime the occupants of the car passed the time chatting and reading, the women enioying a game of euchre. Gen. Harri son read the newspapers. There was no demon stration at Fort Wayne, and people at the depot were in ignorance of the General's presence until the arrival of the train. The General alighted there and shook han • a with the few that were on the platform and then walked buck and forth exercising himself until the train started. A crowd of 10,000 or more was assembled at the depot in Toledo when the train steamed in, and when Gen. Harrison stepped on the platform he was received with deafening cheers. He was escorted to the residence of Mr. Wm. Cummins. Subsequently a public reception waa given the General in Memorial Ha!l, where an audience of 10,00u to 15,0J0 assembled. The appearance of Gen. Harrison on the platform waa the signal for tremendous chaering. J. M. Brown, President of the Executive Com mittee of the United Republican Clubs of Toledo, made a brief speech explaining the circumstan ces under which the guest of the evening ap peared before them, after which he introduced Gen. Harrison. Prolonged che ring greeted the latter, who then spoke aB follows : My Friends : You have already been told that this reception was not planned by me, and yet I do not regret that I have yielded to the earnest solicitation of your representative and have consented t o stand for a few moments in the presence of this magnificent and instructive audience. I sav instructive, for that public man is dull indeed who does not gather both in struction and inspiration from such meetings as thiB. I thank you for any measure of per sonal respect and interest which your coming here to-night may witness. But I do not Bee in this immense gatheriug any testimony that is personal to me. I prefer to regard it as another witness added to the long number I have seen before of the deep-seated and earnest interest of our people in the public questions that are to be settled in November. I choose rather to regard it as a pledge that this interest which vou mani fest to me to-night will not stop here, and is the pledge of continued and earnest personal work by each one of you for those principles which have won the cons nt of your minds and the love of vour hearts. I cannot enter into any detail in the discus sion of public questions; I would not at all put 3 • ' npoi put tnem to myself between you and these great important issues. I would in ali i may say the front. We are here, citizens of a great and prosperous and magnificent nation. We have common interests. We are here charged with the common duties to perpetuate, if we can, the prosperity and to maintain the honor of this great republic. We are here to-night in the enjoyment of free government. Wo are here in the individual possession of better opportunities of development, of larger prosperity, and of more individual comfort than are possessed by any other people in the world. The great economic question as to what shall be our future legisla tive policy is stated with a distinctness in this campaign that it has never had before, an 11 be lieve the verdict and decision will have an em phasis and finality that it has never had before. If there is any one here present to-night that knows of any land that spreads a more promis ing sky of hope above the head of tha poor and the laboring man than this I would bo glad if he would name it. The ono fact that 1 do not need to demonstrate by statistics, tho ono fact that I could call out of this vast audience hundreds of witnesses to support by their personal testi mony, is that the scale of American wages is higher than that of any other country in the world. If this were not true, why is it that the workingmen and the workingwomen of the older lands turn their faces hitherward--if there is a better country, one that offers better wages, fuller hopes, than this? Why ia it that those who are iii quest of such better things have not found it out and turned their faces thither ward? Now, if that is true, then why is it true and how is to be continued the condi tion of our count y? It is because, and only_ because, we have for years, by our pro tective tariff, discriminated in favor of American manufacturers and American workingmen. Strike down this protective tariff, bring our workingmen and workingwomen into equal competition in the products of their toil with those who labor abroa 1, and nothing is clearer than that these mills and factories must reduce wages here to the level with wag a abroad or they must shut down. You have the choice to make--you the free citizens of this country, whose ballots away its destiny, will settle these questions in November. 1 ask you how? Don't be deceived by the suggestions that this is any contest over a 7 per cent, reduction in a ariff schedule. We are a'lowed now to say, I think, that all those who are entitled to speak for the Democratic party have declared that it is opposed to protection. That being so, the issue is clear--distinctly, strongly drawn. I beg you all, not in my interest, but your own; in the in terest of y ur families and the country you love, to ponder this question ; to think upon it with that seriousness its importance demanis, and, when you have thought it out, settle it; settle it in November, so that we shall ba free for years to come from this agitation in behalf of free trade. I thank you again for this kindly demonstra tion. I beg you to accept these brief suggestions as the only but inadequate return that I can make you for this kindness. The following morning Gen. Harrison and party left for Middle Bass, going on Col. S. C. Reynolds' steam yacht, the Sigma, the finest vessel of the kind on the lakes. They will be the guests of William Cummings while at the island. They will occupy the beautiful cottage belong ing to Peter Berdan of this city, who has placed it at their disposal. They will take their meals at the Middle Bass Club House. The length of their stay is undeteimined, but is left to be dictated by circumstances. The Middle Bass Club desire the request made public that Gen. Harrison shall not be disturbed by visits of delegations while at tho island, in order that he may be able to recuperate from the intmse strain to which he has been subjected ever .ftiupe hia nomination. " •' *,"t •' FARMERS AMD THE TARIFF. MaoplftiM •o aaay ot •pMk toaUof Cham. TbaiiimfMaB representative ̂Coogrm, Baaty Smith--with wiom I have formarty bun in sympathy--In voting fcr tha "Mills* MU,- haa botrayad the cauae of labor, which ha waa alantaJ to repre sent and deem that itia my doty at tha preaent ttma, temporarily ainking all other quaallons-- to be revived at a more aaspMooa tl ua--to do my utmoat in thla election to strengthen the Republican party, which broadly and openly eepouaes the cauae of protection to Amerioan in dustries, and truat that ovary ono of yon who lovea hia family, hia homo, and hia country will do the same. Whe:i we have aucoeeded in ren dering permanent our preaent poattlon of van tage, when we can look forward and atrive for other benefita and advanoaa, but if we loao what wa now have our condition will be helpleea in- THE CUMBERLAND BALL MtAfMBBT MTWtEAML Oir TMMB MC'AMJ CAMPAIGN. A JKonster Harrison aad Martaa Ball to ha Boiled from Maine to tha • iridt aad from tha At* - • laatic to the . Factflc, ' [OWA'SWlS NI N(i TtCKfeC H*wkfp» Iip)iUiMui Jbunaoniottilf tkdrBUto C*n- ' • didstM. • J-.. PresMepttal Ponstoa Tet»M Ar* Mhmced and Prohlbltta's 6ooi V Effects Landed. Warning to Railroad Managats -- Ifeople Want Justice "thrwag -» > • larrabee Indorsad. • „ ODea Moines apeolal) The Bepubllcan Rtat) Convention met in city the 32d, the Grand Opera Houae paokfd to oversowing. The boxes wm oc»u- pied by Mrs. Governor Larntbae and party Mra. Lieutenant Governor Hull and party) mA others. Tee delegations were preeen^ with lull numbers. After prayer &y the Rev. George C. Henry, Dr. Charles Beariisley, Chairman of the Bepubllcan Mate Central Committee, introduced as temporary chairman Gen. J. M. Tuttle of Dot »Ktss-!<0<" most striking feature of a recent political parade in New York City w. a huge ball, 14 leet in diameter, which it is proposed to roll all over the country as a sort of a campaign document. The sphere is called the Harrison and Mor ton ball, and ia painted red, white and blue and inscribed with more or less rhythmic verse. The idea of the con struction of this bull was conceived in Cumberland, Md., by several citizens of that town upon the day of Gen. Harri son's nomination, and its appro* Eriateness struck them moat lordly when they remembered that the first ball of the kind ever made, and which was rolled about from one town to another by en thusiastic young politicians, waB built in -- isffw* Warner Miller Tells How Protection Haa Brought a Market to tho Farm. [Prom the Utica Herald.] Tn the course of his address at Angelica on Thursday night, Hon. Warner Miller said: "The President argues in his free-trade measage that the farmers are injured by the tarltt system. If it ia un injury, then away"with it, for agriculture is the foundation of our prosperity. The Presi dent tells you that the duty ou foreign goods is added to the price of the domestic on the for eign articles, and therefore in is a robbery of the consumer. How much of your products do you think are consumed here at home? Over 92 per cent. When we had no protec tive tnrifl we had no such market. Now we send to Kurope a paltry 6 or 8 per cent, of our products. We raise in this country 1,000,000,000 pounds of butter year ly, and of that only n paltry 3S,000,000 pounds go to Europe. The home market has consumed it all. Com are the price of butter now and in 18 :o, before the protective tariff system was adopted. Butter was aold for only 12 cents a pound. Then the Democrats say that the price of agricultural implements would be lower. Why, we make agricultural implements so low in price now that we are selling them in En gland and all over Europe. You get 100 per cent, more for your farm products than you did in I860, and the prices of manufactured prod ucts are 50 per oent. less than they were then. Why Democrats should have put wool on the free list I am puzzled to understand. The Pres ident says that the high tariff does not benefit the working classes, that they have to pay a tax on everything they buy, which loses them the advantage of their own high wages. The nrotective tariff has led to an improvement of 1 "• ... i. I."*." arrivals of Ladies' feckweat ovorj week. Be- THE Mayor of Chicago boaata of fifty- seven pairs of trousers. Yout to protect TBI CUMBERLAND BALL. that very town of Cumberland in honor of the nomination of Gen. Harrison's grandfather. It formed one of the moBt novel features of the Tippecanoe cam paign, and was rolled from Cumberland to Baltimore, where it wag subsequently broken up for kindling wood. That ball, however, was not nearly as large or elaborate as the one which is to be started rolling in this parade. The ball is a canvas-covered sphere, 42 feet in circumference, and is built about an immense wheel or rim on which it rolls. This wheel is about 8 inches thick, of heavy wood, with a quarter-inch iron tire. From its inside edge 38 iron hoops bend toward the poles, and upon theBe the canvas cover is stretched, the number being symbol ical of the states of the Union. Fifteen gross of screws and 128 bolts were used in the construction ot the monster, and the whole weighs over 1,000 pounds, though it rolls easily and may be pro pelled by a couple of men. 'ihe shaft of the ball is a piece of 3-inch gas pipe, which projects one foot at either pole. On this are fastened two standards, working on rollers, to prevent the ball from toppling over. Ropes can also be rigged to the shaft, so t^at enthusiastic Republicans can pull the monster along like a fire-engine. The ball waB made by D. E. Brockett, of Cumberland, Md.; who will accom pany it on much of its travels. In red letters on one end are painted the words: "Cumberland, Allegany Co., Maryland." Some of the other ipot- toes are as follows: -"*"• Old Alltgany in 1840 ^ ' Started uie ba I for HarttarajM In '88. aa they did then. We roll it on for gallant Ben. Roll along, roll away. Keep the bail in motion; The apirlt ot our men is op From Rocky Hilla to ocean. With heart and soul Tbis hall we roll; Hay times improve Aa on we move. The ball was dedicated at s ratifies tion meeting held in Cumberland on the 2d inst., and after a preliminary roll it was taken apart ar.d Bhipped to New York. It is not proposed to roll it along the country roads from one place to the other, but to ship u by rail and put it to gether so that it may appear in the campaign parades all over the country. Who Has the 'Monopolists^ The Philadelphia Time* makea some little parade in the presence of the Chicago Conven tion, holding transitory positions in connection with the Republican Fresidental campaign, of lawyers a part or all of whoso business ia from railroad corporations. Thera are very few able lawyers of whom it is not true that a part or all his businehB c mas from railroads, for one thing, and, for another, no men have lesa influence on the conduct of a campaign than the presiding officers of t e convention which makes the nom inations. All sensible men know this. Even the Times is not ignorant of the fact. Bnt who has the Democratic party placed in permanent control of its campaign? W. H. Harmuu, Chairman of its National Com mittee, is an officer in six railroads. Calvin 8. Hrice, Chairman of the Democratic Executive Committee, is an officer in nine rail roads, two of them foreign corporati ns. William IJ. Scott, the personal representative of the party candidate on this committee, is an officer in thirteen railroads, three foreign cor porations, and one of those a foreign government railroad. Senator Gorman who stands for the protection wing of 1 is party sits on two boards of railroad directors. John S. Barbour, who represents the South in this Democrat ic council of war, ia VioePresident of tho Virginia Midland. Mr. Sewull, who goes on to fill np and pay out, 'is President of five railroads. Herman Oelrichs, who is from the President's own State, ia the agent in this country of a for eign steamship company. What docs ti e Times intend to do about thia "political combine of monopoly combines?" Mr. Levi P. Morton resigned the directorship in a foreign railroad long since. Messrs. Brice and Scott still hold their post1 and intend to im prove the value of their railroad siuu'as by bring ing in free trade.--Philadelphia Press, What Shan the Tariff Bet Cutting the tax from the sheep's white wool. Cutting the tax from the silken spool, Cuttiug the tax from tho cotton hose, .•irM-f- What snail the tariff be? Oh, what Bhall the tariff be? fly# by Cleveland and cut by Mills. Cut in platform and cut in bills, Blaahed from everything you 8»e, Free, oh free, shall the tariff be. ipping it off from the farmer's flax, •oppiny it off from tho cutler's ax, opping it off from the weaver's web, pping it off from the spinn°r's thread; What shall the tariff be? Oh, what shall the ta iff be ? aying England for boots and aho^a/ _ 'aying England for all that wo use, - __v|S'tarving our labor and shutting o jr mllla, 4? . J>illiug our commerce with free-trade bllla; •; What shall the harvest be? I Oh, what shall the harvest be? Woodf Fifteen Durab Hundred Employes. [Milwaukee (Wis.) special.] Bdward P. AUis, prop.ietor of the Belianoe 'ron-works, has issued a printed pamphlet to each one of his 1,500 employee, giving his rea sons why each one of them should support the Republican national ticket. Mr. A Ilia la con sidered an Independent In poUtlca, bnt in former yeara had a leaning toward the Greenback party, and waa that party's candidate for Governor aome years ago. In explanation of what he oalla Ten to One. The foot not to be denied that Re publican party is receiving daily accessiona from the Democratic ranks in all the Northern States. It is impossible to know just how numerous these recruits are; but there can be no doubt that in the aj!f(regrate they exceed by as many as ten to one the desertions from the Republican camp. Tho groat moving cause, of course, is sympathy with the policy of protec tion and hospitality to the Mills-Cleveland con spiracy in the interest of foreign nation agalnat American labor and prosperity.--St. Louis Glob*- Democrat, Moines. J. W. Dorner, J. D. Newcomb C. ftchnillter were selected secretaries, with J. W. Wallot aa reading olerk. J The following were chosen as the State Cen tral Committee: T. W. Tetlook, Louisa Coun ty ; L. P. Allen, Clinton County; Edgar Picket, Blaokhawk County; E. W. Wilbur, Floyd County; S. C. Leiand, Tama County; G. M. Christian, Poweshiek County ; T. T. Anderson, Warren County; F. T. Granger, Adams County; A. L. Harvey, Harrlaon County; A. D. Bioknell, Humb ildt County; Edgar E. Mack, Buena Vista 'County. The nominations were made as follows: For Supreme Judge--Judge Seevers (the prea ent Supreme Judge); Judge Granger, of Allan] a- i jcoe County, and Jud&e Given, of Polk County. On the flrat ballot Fee vers received '200 votea. Granger 430,. and Given 247. On the second >i>allot Granger received 578 votes. Given 203, and J8eeversl64. The nomination 01 Judge Granger Was made unanimous. For Attorney General, tho Hon. A. J. Baker, the preaent incumbent; the Hon. J. 8. Stone, of MiUs County; H. 8. Winslow, of Jasper County, and Milton Bemley, of Johnson County, were . placed in nomination. On first baUot Stone re ceived 810 votps, Winslow 139, Baker 277, aad Bemley 199 votes. On second ballot Stone re ceived 492 votes, Baker 245, Winslow SO, and Bemley 118. Stone's nomination was mads unanimous. The convention next proceeded to the nomi- . nation of Railway Commissioners. Some dis cussion ensued aa to tho mann r of choosing them, some wishing to select three on ono ticket, others wishing to vote for each separatsly. lite . plan of oting for three at a time was adopted. At this time great confusion prevailed, and it 1 was with difficulty the Chairman controlled the convention. John Mahin, of Muscatine; ex-Gov ernor Newbold, of Mount Pleasant; Spencer Smith of Council Bluffs; J. 8. Lawrence, of 1 Sioux Citv; E. T. Campbell, of Newton; Merdtt Green, of Marshalltown; Dey, of Iowa City ; and' Messrs. Kent, Kimball, and Rossin, of Hum boldt, were placed in nomination. The large number of candidates made the calling of the roll very long and tedious. The result was: Mflkin, 3>2; Newhold, 189; Smith, 734; Law rence, 342; Campbell, 818; Kent, 71; Green, 40; Kimball, 22; Bossin, 90; Fuirbum, 26; Dey, 8; Wilson, 77 ; Coffin, 12; Williams, 24. ' S-pencer Smith, of Council Bluffs, and Frank ,T. Campbell, of Newton, the present cominia- ' signers, having received a majority of ajl votea cast, were declared the nominees. Th^ conven tion then proceeded to ballot for the remaining Commissioner. The second ballot resulted in the selection of the Hon. John Mahin, of Musca rine, as the remaining candidate. The voto stood: Makin, 526; Lawrence, 262; Kent, 17; Newbold, 122; Bossin, 2. The following district Presidential electors were chosen: First District--L. W. Meyers, Louisa County. Second--W. S. R. Burnette, Jackson. Third--Colonel Jed Lake, Buchanan. • Fourth--A. K. Bailey, Decorah. , Fifth--R. G. Cousins, Cedar. Sixth--John Morrison, KeokUjfc, Seventh--H. S. Wilcox, Polk. . ; Eighth--B. L. Parish, Doc ttifr.-v • i- Ninth--A. A. Sneff, Harrisonji/.i J? ^ Tenth--J. L. Kamrar, Hamilton. * Eleventh--H. B. Wyman, O'Brien. V A. K. Bailey refused to serve as elector from ;|he Fourth District. J. O. Crosby was elected ;lu bis stead. I For electora-at-large Judge Lewis, of Wood bury County, the Hon. Pete Hepburn, and ex- Governor 8 tone were named. Ex-Governor ^Stone and Colonel Hepburn were elected by ac clamation. Senator J. G. Hutchison, of Wapello County, .Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, (presented the following resolutions as the plat form of the convention, which were adopted and 'heartily cheered: * The Republican party of Iowa, in convention assembled, heartily Indorse nominations of Har rison and Morton, and give our cordial approval to declaration ot principles adopted by Cnicago convention. That we most heartily indorse the administra tion of Governor Larraboe, and commend the courage and fidelity he has displayed in standing for the rights of the people. That we declare our firm adherence to the principle of legislative control of railways and other corporations. Having been created by tha J;overnment, they are. of right subject to suoh ust law < as may bo enacted for their control, and must obey the same. We would deal aa justly with corporate as with individual inter ests, but we demand that the people shall be fully protected in all directions from corporate rapao- ity, whether arising from discriminations, com bines, railways, or other aggregated capital. We commend the general railway legislation erf the last General Assembly and demand that all juat proceedings and rates thereunder shall be promptly, impartially and vigorously enforced. That we repudiate the imputatioj that the people of Iowa are antagonistic to the rights ot capital or desire to oppress any corporation, but we demand such legislation as will develop the agricultural, industrial, and manufacturing in terests of our State aud at the same time rondel just equivalent for the capital and labor em ployed. We < congratulate tho poople of our State on tha temperance legislation inaugurated In the Eigh teenth General Assembly, and on the faithful obedience of all subsequent General Assembliea to the expressed will of the ma jority of the people, which haa given ta Iowa the best prohibitory law in the Unitei) States. To the credit of the Republican party for its unselfish and non-partisan respect foi the will of the people, no backward step ID lowa has been taken, and none will be taken, on this question so vital to the moral welfare ot all our communities. In this connection, we re fer with satisfaction to the large dec re as 3 in the population of our State prison a, the empty jaila in so many of our counties, and the decreasing costs and expense upon the criminal dockets of the courts. That we are opposed to Preaident Cleveland's policy of destroying ou| silver money to favor an exclusive gold standard; but wo are in favor of gold, silyer, and greenbacks, and are opposed to their destruction or contraction as a circulat ing medium. We declare that the Democratic majority iu the lower house 01 Congress has shown Its Injustice in defeating the Senate bill which directed the refunding to Northern States ©I the direct war tax and in remitting the earn* which was unpaid by the Southern States. This tax would have plaoed in the tteaaury of Iowa about $400,000, and to that extent would have relieved Iowa taxpayers. The Republicans of Iowa renew the expression ©f their sympathy with the people of Dakota, vio. t ma of Democratic parti fan discrimination; and in the interest of the entire Northwest we appeal for national justice with reference to the 'Territories. That wo stand, as ever, in favor of liberal pensions to our disabled veteran soldiers and their dependents, and we denounce Presi dent Cleveland's wholesa'e vetoes of pension bills and the spirit in whioh they have bean Uttered. That we mourn with sincere sorrow the death «f the heroic Phil Sheridan, the idol of the soldiers and pride of the nation, and we, in common with all loyal people, realize that in his death wa bave lost a patriot, a sol ier, and a citizen orti trae to country, to honor, and to duty. HARMONl OUSOATHEIU SO. The Delegates Represented the Bast E)s» ments of Iowa Republicanism. The 945 delegates in attendance at the conven tion were representatives of the best elements Of the Republican party in Iowa. Their delib- srations were harmonious, aud the enthusiasm exhibited giveB promise of an old-time victory at ;he polls in November. All felt the electrio ibr 11 and understand what it portends. Tha dominations were made without protracted oon- •eat, not more than two ballots being taken on my office. The ticket is of Sterling and tried natarial. no point of weakness being apparent n the line Captain Lyon, who waa renominated for Audl- or, and Captain V. P. Twombly, for the Utfad «tm as Treasurer, are fully deserving Of tbe ;:'iv - W; J * .' < ' * . ' i . A ,