iv "v* lit' y - ' MMOCEACT ARRAIGNED tax* or M»K8 O. BI.AIVE S CHTCA- ' < rf ; .c" 4*0 SPEKCH- :'WiIribiitTn* Itidtetment of the iMmiMwnWii m*r*y -- C:«vel*n<i's Hypocritical Civil ifatrvice Reform PiTten»lon«-His Abuse (lie Veto rower--Keeping Out Dpko- ftl Md Suppressing the Kopublicnu Vote «T the Sou h -- Loading tiovernm^nt Hey to Pet Banks--The Tariff. Hm twenty-four years of Republican rale in "WtM United htales form an epdfcu second only in iiMportaiiCf; to Oioie great years comprehend® I ttetween the Declaration of ludepeudenc j and Ht« organization of the Federal Oovernmint. JKitorv recognizes tliis by assigning to the first FtoeatfenX alid chief uctor in ttie later period a Mailt second only in American statesmanship mbuI heroism to Washington himself. Tlio twen ty-four years reach from 18tii to 188", and were «Sifitinguii<hed by an advance in every department itJindustry and by a progress in every field of faun an effort more extraordinary than were ever realized within a like period in any age In any iitfuar country. At the conclusion of the twenty-four years tJbm executive power of the nation was frans- Jjomed to the Democratic party, and the political campaign in which the American people are now rrifVgri it to d«t«i mine whether tne Democratic ral e shall continue or whether the Republican jvtrty On It# record of achievements shall be in- mtflfotlwith a new lease of power. The llepub- Xieans contend ihat the general welfare ot tlie *»antry lias not beeu promoted by the l>emo- «mtic administration, and that the Democratic jMMmises of reform have beeu signally disre- mmled and trampled upon. They contend that £bsadministration has been against the mate- tkl welfare of the countrv. that it has no; main- tatofrd the national honor, and that it threatens tfas impairment of our industrial systeih, wraereby, under a protective tariff, the country 1mm advanced go rapidly in power and prosper ity. Bepnblicans arraign Mr. Cleveland for £a.UJbg short of the promises wherewith his jtdtn in; stration was inaugurated and for disap- jKXutiug the just expectations whicii his words Attained. L. They arraign him lor hia failure to improve ths civil service as he promised in every form of -mania in which official pledges could be ek- jKnssed. Instead of reform there has been con stant deterioration. Instead of curing the sys- Secn of partisan removals the President has de veloped it to such an extent that more officials ti*\» been removed from office (luring the pres ent administration without charge and for mere felitical reasons than by any t nree of his pre- deoeseoTS in office, even though three may be defected who were eight years in the Presiden tial chair. The spoiis system, insteal of being rnatad up, as i he President promised, has been <ten»toped more intensely than ever before, and the aeeesameut of officeholders is so notorious that the Chairman of the Democratic National •Ommit&ee takes bis station in one of the hotels 1b Washington, within sight of the White •Bmm, sad, as 1 read from a congratulatory dw old thirteen first formed al national GovwuMBt. Dakota la ao thoroughly aititi in all tut equip ment*, in all her power, that thta year ahe jvo- dnoei and aenda to market a larger wheat trap than any one of the thirty-eight State* of the Uaion. She baa within her border* | larger mileage of railroad than any one of the sixteen Southern States except Missouri and Texas• a larger mileage than any one of the New England States, and nearly aa many as all New England together: and. more striking than all elae, the population of Dakota is larger than any one of twelve States now In tho Union, aa shown by the last Federal census. 5. The Republican party arraign President Cleveland's administration for breaking down the useful policy of paying off the national debt as rapidly as the surplus in the Treasury will al low. They permitted bonds of the United States, payable at par, to remain on interest, while the income of the Government was devoted to the creation of a surplus which might lx> used to prejudice tbe financial and industrial system aeathat tnanwy loaned for an indefinite Mig tolir. JtoNati-tfeMklcitt New York, or #taM« ft the Cortngton banks to aid the election of ICR, Carlisle, ought kma ago to have been uaed foi cm purchase of united States bondund the reduction Of the public debt. * " lited le by tary. m It; BENJ. HA.RRISOK. that had steadily produced a condition of pros perity in the country. When the surplus was thus designedly en larged the Treasury Department used it. for the first time since General Jackson broke down the old United States Bank, for the purpose of loans, under the name of "deposits," wiuiout in terest, to banking institutions. When Mr. Manning retired from Mr. Cleve land's Cabinet and Mr. Jordan resigned from the office of Treasurer, the two gentlemen estab lished a bank in tho city of New York, and the administration of Mr. Cleveland loaned them of Government funds, without interest, as a fixed and permanent deposit, $1.100,0u0 of the peo ple's money. If in the days of Louis Napoleon's most absolute power he had given 550,000 francs out of the public purse to two friends as an aid to a private enterprise in banking the barricades j would have been across the strtets of Paris and redaotion of the publk In my Judgment tbe people of the United States are not to be hurried Into free trade by a panicky cry from the President or Sec re Too many gnat interests are dependent upon it; Interests of capital and labor; interests in the East, In tho west, in the North, and in tha South--great Interests common to the whole Union. I shall not to-night argue the queetior further than to arraign the President for precip itating it in an unprecedented manner and foi having uaed extraordinary means to create prej udice againat the protective system, and with deluaive argument s to commend the destructive theories of free trade to the people. When un- deratood by the people tne President's method of approaching the question will strengthen the cause of protection and not weaken it, and will, in my judgment, in the rnl prove one of the po tent causes of his defeat at the approaching .election. iENGLANDlSFORGROVER BRITISH MINISTER VRG|ES HIS KK-ELKCTIOff. He Writes a Remarkable Letter Advising British-Americans to Vote tho Demo cratic Ticket -- The Administration la Thrown Into a Fib [Washington telegram.] Cleveland has found liis Dure hard in Lord KackviUe, better known as Minister West, her Maiesty's reprosentitive in the United States. A dispatch irom lx>s Angeles, Cal., says that the Jf os Angeles Times has printed the subjoined letter from the British Minister to an American citizen of English birth who bad asked advice about his vote: * [Private.! Sra--I am in receipt of your letter of the 4th Inst., and beg to say that I fully appreciate the difficulty in which you find yourself in oasting your vote. You are probably aware that any political party which openly favored tha mother country at the present moment would lose popularity, and that the party in power is fully aware of this fact. The party, however, is, 1 be lieve, Btill desirous of maintaining friendly re lations with Great Britain, and is still as d-sirous of eettling all questions with Canada which have been unfortunately reopened since the rejection of the treaty by the Bepublican majority in tbe Senate, and by the President's message, to which you allude. All allowances must, therefore, be made for the political situation as regards the Presi dential election thus created. It is impossible to predict the course which President Cleveland may pursue in the matter of retaliation should he be elected, but there is every reason to be- live that while upholding the position he has taken he will manifest the spirit of conciliation in dealing with the question involved in hia message. I inclose an article from the New York Times of Aug. 22, and remain yours faith fully. L. S. SACKvir,t,E-WEST, The genuineness of the letter was questioned, f?" /< € j -< Itch published in a Democratic paper, receives Horance of contributions from more than liw Kteeholders in a single day and proved before «peei&l committee of the Senate. It has, more- been charged in responsible newspapers men of bad character, even convicted and ned criminals, have been placed in office • the present administration, and that the civil service has been subjected to open ante in a decree hitherto unknown. H Use Kepublicans arraign the President for hMtog surrendered the rights of the country in ttae fisheries of the North American co ist in a manner derogatory to the dignitv of the nation aad in Otter disregard of the rights of this flsh- <nmB. The question of the fisheries has been m. •object of dispute ever since the war of 1814, And never before has the country, even in its •dmgu ot weakness, been willing to surrender to Ciiwt Britain the rights which now, in the day <t aar prestige and power, the present aiminis- ffitidn abandons, to ttie sacrifice of national Twaar and the destruction of the rights of our Iwaaire fishermen. The American people were mt more surprised at the tame manner in which oar fishery rights were surrendered than were tfco negotiators of England themselves when tfhay found that obstacles hitherto insurmount- atbto by British diplomacy had been removed by the present administration and the pathway to m (fipiomat'c victory made smooth and easy to ttie representatives of England. 4 The Republicans arraign Mr. Cleveland tar hit cruel disregard of the rights of poor and imsiIj soldiers who incurred their distress and (Stair poverty in the service of the nation.and who ity the interposition of the President 8 veto were dejaSved of the pittance voted to them bv a Re- yebiican Senate and a Democratic House. Not <Mily haa the President vetoed the general bill paaeed for the relief of all needy and dependent «Hldiers, but in more than 200 cases of peculiar wad. personal sufferings he had interposed his power to prevent these creditora of the nation receiving their just dues. His vetoes of the 1411a, both general and personal, had thrust thou sand* of soldiers for their daily subsistence upon t£as humiliating alternatives of jjrivate charities «r til© public poor house. No man jealous of American honor, no man appreciating the sacri- ftoo which the soldiers made for the country's wmity, should ever be willing to see a man who ib the ranks of battle had defended the Union the States declared a public pauper and left to4ie in the almshouse. And yet that is pre- •ebuif the condition in which thousands of aaMiiura who took honorable part in the coun try's defense are left by the President's vetoes. The Republicans arraign the President, not measly for hie veto of pension bills, but for his {general and dangerous use of the veto power, without precedent in the previous history of the «onntry and altogether beyond the conception or imagination of those who framed the Constitu- tirta. Mr. Jefferson, wham the Democrats have laUtioaUy deified as the founder of their party, ltad sight years ot administration distinguished Iff troublesome periods and by events of great moment, and yet he never found occasion even matte using the veto, so great was his respect dar tile will of the people as manifested through their sapresentatives in Congress. For the long period .from Washington's inauguration to the <ektm of Arthur 's administration the veto was nned-tat seventy-five times in all. Mr. Cleve land'* ̂ term rounds out ihe century of the Fedml Government, and thus far in his admin istration he has used the veto 310 times--more thai four times as frequently as it was used by nil of hia predecessors in the long period of nine- ry-eixyears. It seems to mo the President's oonoeption of the veto power is that wherever ]m would vote "No"'if he were a member of Sen- •Ate or House he would veto a measure as Presi- «&ant, which is an entirely new interpretation of itbe Constitution, unknown to the founders of' ttie Government and absolutely repudiated by <iwy one who has occupied the Presidential chair before him. Ckete is something extraordinary in the space trttlchrXr. Cleveland s vetoes will fill in the mchivea of the Government. His vetoes of pri- wnfeepension bills will occupy more space in our VaUtleil history than all the regular annual measa0M of Washington, Adams and Jefferson Car the first twenty years of the Federaf Govern- nnt; an! if all his vetoes on all subjects be combined the space they will fill will be greater tfean the annual messages of all the Presidents fknu the formation ot the Constitution to the rfqseof the second war with Great Britain. I ncdmit that the framera of the Constitution •newer intended to make the President a third tJngialative power with a vote that could override the otherB. Such a use of the veto power has been condemned by all the great statesmen both parties. Such a use of the veto power "Idetrone any constitutional monarch in j>e. It was such a use of the veto power ; gave to that French King who brought on •revolution the name of "Monsieur Veto"; A President Cleveland will be fortunate if in itory he escapes the same descriptive soubri- a revolution inaugurated against the Govern ment that could indulge in a favorism so ruin ous. If Queen Victoria should request of the English Treasury that tbe sai^fc amount--£220,- 000 starling--should be issued TO two of her per- sonaUriends as an aid to a speculative venture in banking tbe Ministry would have an inquiry made into the soundness of her Majesty's mind upon a proposition so extraordinary. And yet Mr. Fairchild, acting for the Presi dent, ordered £1,100,0*) of the people's money to be placed in th i bank of Messrs. Manning nnd Jordan, and authorized the bank to "hold that sum as a fixed balance." I quote the Secre tary's exact language. It has been there now for more than a year, and will probably remain there for many years more if the Democratic party should retain the power to abuse their trust and use the people's money lor private purposes. I will give another instance of the administra tion of the Treasury Department equally offen sive and equally aggravated. Mr. Speaker Car lisle at his last election narrowly escaped de- & XJSYX P. MOBTOy. . f rhe Republicans arraign the adminis- for having unjustly, without precedent, Mnd for partisan reasons, disfranchised 700,000 American citizens in the Territory of Dakota. Wrn been the established practice of the Fed eral Government to admit ar Territory to tho gavileges of a State when it haa a sufficient gMpnlation to entitle it to one Representative In Caaigress--a habit that was uaturall v and readily •aoduced from a clause iu the Federal Constitu- ttOD. There has been no variation from that ex- a slight detention which occurred i)rior to JmO by the efforts of the slave power to keep an MMllty of votes In tlie Senate and to force a mm State into the Union whenever a free State "mas toady to enter. Thus, Mississippi and In- •dltana, Alabama and Illinois, Missouri and H«ino, Arkansas and Michigan, Florida and 'Iowa, came in practically in pairs in the order I jMre named them. But after this equality was i by the admission of California in 1850 a 1 attempt wa« made to re establisn it by lulept admission ot Kansas as a slave > the failure of that conspiracy, how- «W, B long succession of States has been ad- anitted, with prompt acknowledgment of their to 6tatob0od,*when each was able to send intative to Congress. when the Electoral College is so balanced that the power of the Solid Ik find two or three Northern States "mfTfr the Presidency may be disturbed 700,000 citizens of Dakota are admit- 10 their rightful inheritance, the '.ic party and the national admin- . maae a combination to disfranchise ;e body of men. It is worth while, teens, to contrast the condition of With that of other States that have been ~ to tha Union, or with all other States bean admitted to the Union, since the feat--if, in fact, he escaped it at all--but he was seated on the election certificate and held the place. His pending election is one of great in terest to the Democratic party, and is sharply contested by the united Republican and Labor parties. As an aid to Mr. Carlisle in his ex-! tremity the Treasury Department has placed a special deposit, which is in the nature of a loan without interest, in all the national banks in his city of Covington, four in number, the de posit to each of the banks exceeding $200,000, and aggregating $9J0,u00. If there has ever here tofore been an abuse of that character known to the Treasury of the United States I desire some gentleman competent to instruct the publ'c to mafte it known. If there be anv parallel to the use of the public money so scandalous and so corrupting I desire that I may know it, and apologize to the Treasury Department for ar raigning them as the first who have ever entered upon a policy of personal favoritism at the ex pense of the pub<ic Treasury. But on a larger scale, and as between com munities rather than individuals, look at what the Secretary has done. He has placed in the State of New York, in banks of his own selec tion, nearly •*13,000,0 )0 of Treasury funds, and in this great Western body of States, comprising Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, and Nebraska, with double the popula tion of New York, and in Bpscial need of ready money at this time to move the crops forward to market, the Secretary has given but a little over 85,000,000, th^torule of tho Secretary apparently being that to a State of political importance to the administration £13,000,0 XJ is given, and to sevan States with double tha population that are hopelessly Republican considerably less than half that amount. Such political gambling and personal sporting with funds of the common Treasury of the people of the United States have never been dreamed of before in this country. Think for a moment, if any man had proposed a law that, with all balances in the Treasury be yond the immediate requirement of the Govern ment, tne Secretary might loan them, without interest, under the guise of deposits, to whom he pleased, and place them where he pleased I Was there ever a Senator or Representative bold enough to vote for that measure? And yet it is precisely what Secretary Fairchild is now doing with the surplus in the Treasury. And all this, too, in the face of Mr. Cleveland's own pointed condemnation of such practice in his message to Congress in December, 1887, when he said: "The proposition to deposit the money held by the Government in Imnks throughout the coun try for use by the people is, it seems to me. ex ceedingly objectionable in principle, as estab lishing too close a relationship between -the operations of the Government Treasury and the business of the country, and too extensive a commingling of their money, thus fostering an unnatural reliance in private business upon pub lic funds. If this scheme should be adopted it should only be <lono as a temporary expedient to meet the urgent^necessity. The legislative and executive efforts Should be in the opposite direc tion, ana should have a tendency to divorce, as much and as fast as can safely be done, the Treasury Department from private enterprises." 6. Lastly, tbe Republicans arraign the Pres ident for a deliberate attempt to destroy the protective system of this country by using against it as an argument its tendency to pro duce a surplus in the Treasury, wnen not one dollar of surplus would be there if tho money had been lawfully expended in r educing the pub lic debt, instead of baing loaned out to pet banks and for the benefit of i>olitical favorites. The friends of the President, apparently authorized by himself, pending his election, gave the people of the United States a pledge that the Demo cratic party would not, during his administra tion, assault or endanger the protective tariff. It therefore came upon the people as a genuiue surprise when the President charged the pro tective system with being the cause of the sur plus whicn had been industriously accumulated to the neglect of grave duty, as I have deaetfSad. The pretense that there was no authority to buy bonda at a premium was long ago exposed in both houses of Congress^ and the people nqw and her Majesty's minister comes forward and avows its authorship in the most positive man ner, merely claiming that it was unofficial, and that he had a perfect right to make known his views about domestic politics, These extraordi nary doings have caused an extraordinary ex citement at the Wuite House. The signals of distress are up, and to-day nothing has been heard about Cleveland's luck. It is said that the policy of the President and his advisers was to treat the letter as a forgery intended for cam paign effect. But to-day i hey were stunned by the publication of an authorized interview with Minister West, in which he analyzes the letter and reiterates every word of it. A LETTER FROM JUDGE GRESHAX. In Response to Requests to SpvaV the Judge Explains Why He Can Not. CHICAGO, Oct. 23,1888. Hon. W. H. C. Atkinson, Indianapolis, In l.: DEAB SIR--I cheerfully and in good faith ac quiesced in the nomination of Gen. Harrison, and immediately informed him by telegraph that he would receive my earnest support. Hut it is urged that in an address or in some Other public manner I should manifest an inter est in the success of the Republican ticket. The proprieties of the position which I occupy forbid mo taking an active part in politics. It is gratifying to know, however, that my friends are supporting the ticket in good faith, and I do not think any fair-minded person doubts that I earnestly desire its success. I could not actively participate iu the campaign without exposing myself to just censure and lowering myself in the estimation of right-thinking people. Trust ing that you will agree with me in what I have Said, and that this will be a satisfactory reply to your suggestions, which I promised should receive careful consideration, I remain yours truly, W. Q. Gbeshak." Cleveland's Gift to the Banks. Grover Cleveland has shown himself to be po litically dishonest, untruthful and corrupt. Ia he personally honest? The logal maxim, "False in one thing, false in all," holds in regard to character. Vices generally go in groups, and a man who is devoid of conscience in one respect is apt to be so in others. Such a character is not above suspicion, and when the possessor has shown himself to be untruthful, insincere and dishonest in public aflairs, we have a right to question his personal honesty. We do not suppose the President would profit directly and pecuniarily by a corrupt transaction, but if ha permits others or his party to do >o. he is open to the chprge of personal dishonesty. Either the President, or his party, or personal friends of his, are profiting very largely by the enor mous Government deposits now and for some time past carried by the national banks. These deposits amount to SGO.000,000. This is nearly five times as large as they were under a Repub lican administration. Six per cent, on P6!l,000,- 000 is $3,600,0(K) a year, which these deposits are worth to the favored banks. If a Republican administration had done this, the Democrats in Congress would have moved the impeachment of the President. Tho interest on these de> posits amounts to $300,000 a month. This is a gift to the banks. Out of it they can well afford to make a large donation to the Democratic campaign fund. They could well afford to cash the President's check for $10,000, and nothing In hiB character or antecedents forbids the suppo sition that he would accept that favor. Hia professions of personal honesty are entitled to no more weight than his opposition to a second term or his civil-service reform professions. Wo judge men by their acts and their lives, not by their professions. A J residont who l as shown himself to be thoroughly un scrupulous and untrustworthy in politics has no right to complain if, under suspicious circum stances, his personal honesty is questionsd. If the Pre ident is dircctly or indirectly a party to the transaction by which favored banks are profiting to the extent of $3,600,000 a year by these enormous deposits of government funds, he is personally dishonest. A man of his habits and loose principles, who has brought himself to believe that his re-election is necessary to the welfare of the country, could very easily go a step further and justify himself in accepting a campaign donation of $10,00), to be made in hia name, by banks that were profiting by his gen erosity with the public money.--Itidianapdit Journal. AIT IRtSffMAN SPEAKS. PASSAGES FROM AN ADDRESS <JEN. GEO. A. SHE RID A& BY iron* IHshmenfor Cleveland Are In Favor of n System that Haa Reduced Their Conntrjr from JPlenty to Pov erty. The policy of fcngland is of necesaity that of free trade at tnia Cinte. but do not forget that for centuries ahe waa the moat absolutely pro tected country upon this globe, ana that she did not abandon that policy until she believed she held the manufacturing and commercial suprem acy of the world in her grasp, and could at any time, by Underselling herr.vals, absolutely orush out and destroy them. The policy of England, wherever she has had the power, has been to absolutely prohibit manufacturing of any kind. Her policy was stated by a great oommeroial paper in England in 1750, with brutal frankness. Let me quote it to you ; here it is: "Manufactures," says this sheet, "in : our American colonie.4 should be discouraged and prohibited. We ought always to keep a watchful eye over colonies to restrain them from setting up any of tho manufactures which 'Ore carried on in Great Britain, and any such attempts should be crushed in the beginning. As they will have the providing of the rough ma terials to themselves, so sh&U we have the man ufacturing of them. If any encouragement be given for raising hemp, flax, etc., doubtless they will soon begin manufacturing if not prevented ; therefore, to stop the progress of any such man ufactures, it is proposed that no weaver have the liberty to set up any looms without first reg istering at an offioe set up for that purpose; that all slitting-mills and engines for drawing wire or weaving stockings be put down; that all ne groes be prohibited from weaving either linen or woolen, or spinning or combing wool, or working in any manufacture of iron further than making it Into pigs or bar iron; that they also be prohibited from manufacturing hats, stockings, or leather of any kind." Can anything be more cold-blooded than Buch a declaration? Such a policy simply meant the absolute subordination of the colo nies to the mother country. Nearly one hun dred years after this monstrous declaration, a peer of England, standing in the House of Lords, said in a debate upon the free trade question: "Other nations knew as well as the noble Lord opposite, and those who acted with him, that what we (England) meant by free trade was nothing more nor less than, by means of the great advantages we enjoyed, to get the mon opoly of all other markets for our manufact urers, and to prevent t hem, one and all, from ever t ecoming manufacturing nations." (Lord Goodrich.) The policy enunciated in 1750, and reaffirmed heartily a hundred years afterward is the identical policy that controls England to day. Fortunately for us, our fathers refused to indorse the views of Groat Britain, and by revo lution wrested the colonies from her grasp. Let me for amoment call your attention to a country that was not able, as we were, to escape British domination, a country that has felt the full effect of the British free trade policy. There lies not under the sun a fairer land than Ireland. Her soil is rich and yields abundant harvests to the hands of toil. She has vast min eral wealth hidden in her bosom--wealth enough to clothe her sons and daughters in purple such as kings delight to wear. She has broad rivers that run down to the sea, with power enough in their sweep to sat in motion every implement devised by man for turning earth's products into form for use and pleasure. She is a land where plenty, throned and crowned, might away her joyous scepter over homes where millions dwelt in peace and sweet content. But what is Ire land to-day? Her genial skies look down on sad and barren fields that hardly know the touch of labor's earnest hand, or smile on wood, and park, and silver lakes, and towering castles built by a!Ln hands and occup ed by strangers to the Irish race; great Jords who live in splendid luxury and keep broad acres from the hands of toil that they mav gallop to and fro and slay with wanton hands the game that flies in fear before them; and this, too, while men are kneeling at their gates begging for just one acre of God's own ground whereon to raise the simple food to meet tho wants and still the sobs that burst from starving mothers und from famished babes. Tho treasures God has planted deep in Irish soil lie all unused and uselesB. Ht>r silvery streams to the sea run down and scarce turn a wheel, set loom in motion, or send a spindle whirling. Her tons are beggars, and her daughters paupers. Erin, to-day, clad in rags that scarce conceal her nakedness, sits sadly by the wayside down, and strikes with withered hand a harp whose strings are shat tered, and to its wild, discordant notes, from pinched and famished lips, sobs out the sorrows of her broken heart. Her days of anguish and nights of pain, her nakedness and her poverty, her woeful desolation, her utter wreck arid ruin, can all be traced straight to the accursed rule and iron hand of England, a rule and baud that struck her growing industries down, silenced her looms unl spindles, robbed her fit Ids of cattle, swine and sheep, and covered the land with gloom deeper and darker than the shadows cast by the sable wings of death. Such is the condition to which the r uglish free-trade rule has brought the laud that gave my father birth, and yet, my Goil, just think of it 1 the democratic party are to-day asking Irishman to vote for the adoption here of a policy^that has ruined their own fair lands, and exiled its sons and daughters to other lands where bread was plenty, and where life was worth the living. I am the son of an Irishman, and I cannot under stand how any man born up:m Irish soil, or any man who has a drop of Irish blood in his veins, can in this great contest cast his vote for the Democratic party. A ballot for Cleveland is a ballot for free trade; a bit I lot for free trade is a ballot that sets the bells tolling for tho death of industry in this land. That Irishman who votes for Cleveland is simply voting approval of the policy England has pursued in Ireland since the hour she plant ed her accursed foot upon its soil. An IriBh vote for Cleveland is an indorsement of evictions--a cheer for t e imprisonment of O'Brien, and a laugh at the throttling of Parnell in the House of Commons. It is bidding tho priest of God refuse the offices of his holy calling to anv man in Ireland who has the courage to plead for jus tice, and, if need ba, strike a blow for the re deeming of his land. It is a stab in the back of the friend3 of home rule in Ireland. That Irishman who votes for Cleveland is simply Adding strength to tte brawny arm that sends the lash hissing through the air, down upon the bare and bleeding Bhoulders of the mother that bore him, t ghtening the clutch of England's brutal hand upon her fair throat, and sharp ening the truel nails with which she tears and rends her quivering flesh. It is an infamy of which no Irishman should be guilty. 1 am the son of an Irishman, as I have to!d you, and I would as soon cut off this good rignt hand of mine, as to use it in casting a ballot for John Bull Cleveland and his English frae-trade policy. If i were to cast a vote in that direction I should fear my gray-haired father would leap from the grave, stand at mv bedside in tho silent watches of the night and curse me for the crime I hod committed. 1 appeal to you men of my father's race, not to cast a ballot for the Democratic party. Every drop of my blood (and it is the same blood as leaps in your veins) pleads with you to vote for Ben Harrison, and so help the land that gave you wide-armed wel come when, fleeing from wrong and oppression, you sought a home here. Listen to my voice: it is the voice of your mother-land pleading through the lips of one of her children's chil dren. Cast your ballot for the Republican party; bo Bhall your conscience approve you ; so Bhall your children bless you in the days to come when they lay your gray head under the sod of the land your ballot nelped redeem from the power and dominion of the great enemy of your race and country. PROTECTION AND INDUSTRY. AN INSULT TO LABOR* Democratic Officials Purchase CrniTtet- Made Goods for Government, Use. [Washington special to the Indianapolis Journal.] If there is one act above another that should cause the laboring men of the country to put their feet down upon the neck of President Cleveland's administration, it is the one which Senator Teller,of Colorado,exposod in the Senate. He pulled back *he hypocritical veil from the face of some of the inside workings of the ad ministration, and showed that, under Indian Commissioner Atkins, contracts were given for hundreds and hundreds of road and farm wagons to Cherry, Marrow & Co., for four hundred of their wagons, made by penitentiary convicts, and intended for and used in the Indian Teiii- tory. There were subsequently other large orders given by Government officers for these wagons. Whether the President made a pocket veto of the bill making it a crime to use for the Government convict-made goods, with an eye to these very contracts, is conjectural. This is what Senator Teller wants investigated. But the infamous part of the business, in connection with the interests of the laboring man, is the fact that these contracts were made in compe tition with others who employed union labor, the Htudebaker Wagon Works, of South Bend, Jnd.. for instance. The lessees of the Tennessee convicts pay about 25 cents a day per man for their work, while the Studebakers pay from $1.50 to $3 a day. The law provides that the contract shall be let "to the lowest and best bidder." President Cleveland has by his various acts, in cluding hia pocket veto of the bill mentioned, said that the convict bid was not only the low est bat the best. . group, TO per oent. and more, tha valoa cc farm tfcnd Is oiiIt illltiifton. How can anyone any, after this showing, tha protective tariff has not helped the farmer? --New York Mail and Mtprw. TALKING TO DRUMMERS. A BRIEF BUT TEIXING SPEECH BY GEN. HARRISON. Nearly Three Thousand Commercial Trav elers Call on the Republican Candidate. Wlio'Talks to Them Briefly on the Sub ject of the Tariff! About 3,000 commercial travelers recently called on Gen. Harrison, at Indianapolis. There were no introductory addresses. Gen. Harrison was in good voice and spoke with great earnest ness as follows: My friends, as you know already, I believe, the commercial travelers have honored me by calling on me in large delegations. You have as sembled to-day, not from a single State or Ter ritory, but from many States, upon tho invita tion of your associates of this city, to show your intelligent interest in the principles that are in volved in this campaign. I do not need to re peat what I have said on former occasions that I highly value the re -spect and confidence of tha commercial travelers of the United States. I value it because I believe they give their ad herence to the party whose candidate I am upon intelligent investigation and upon an earnest conviction as to what is good for the country of which they are citizens. Who should be able better than you to know the commercial and business needs of our country? You, whose hand is every day upon the business pulse of the people; you who travel the c ountry up and down upon all the swift high ways of commerce, and wno are brought in contact with the business-men of tho country, not only in our great centers of com merce but in all the hamlets of the land? I be lieve I may say for you that as a result of this personal knowledge of our business needs you have concluded that the policy for Americans is the policy ot a protective tariff. There are, doubtless, here many representatives of great American manufacturing establishments ; and who should know better thau they the prostrat ing effects upon the industries they represent <f this policy of a revenue tariff or the not mush differing policy of free trade ? Who should know better than you that if the discriminating duties now levied, and which enable our American manufacturers to maintain a fair compotition with the manufacturers of other count ies, and at the same time to pay a scale of living wages to the men and women who work for them, is broken down, that American competition with foreigu production becomes impossible, except by the reduction of the scale ot American wages to the level of tbe wages paid abroad? Certainly you do not need to be told that that TO OUR INDUSTRIAL. DO NOT BE MISLED BY FREE-1 ' BXUT MISREPRESENTA' A tneld Exposition of the Falsity Arguments -- The Mills Bill Dissected -- The Benefits of Protection--Wages, Em ployment, and the Cost of Living. [William Howard, of Bethlehem, Fa., in Irish World.] Which is dearer, a shirt at SI, with 91 In your pocket to pay for it, or a shirt at fifty cents without a cent in your pocket to buy one? Which is better, protection that gives you plenty of chances to earn the dollar a home-manufac tured shirt may cost, or free trade that prevents you earning the fifty cents an imported shirt may cost)* Consider this question; for as you consider it so will you vote for Harrison or Cleveland. In the early part of our oivil war bread sold at agents a loaf; nevertheless mobs of idle, starv ing work-people paraded the streets of New York City crying "Bread or blood I" A few months later bread was Belling at ten cents a loaf; never theless, peace, plenty and contentment every where prevailed, because everybody was profit ably employed. Now, what benefit would it be to your wives and daughters if foreign calicoes were two cents a yard and you had not the two cents to spend? And what disadvantage would it be to them though home manufactured cali coes were six cents a yard, if you had the six cents wherewith to buy the goods? I once overheard a merry Irishman in the Philadel phia market say to one who had just paid fifty cents for a chicken: "Och, sir,'I we can buy plenty of that kind in the ould country for six pence. " "Then why didn't you stay thero?" was the natural query. "An' sure, sir,! it was the sixpence I couldn't get." He' found it- easier to earn fifty cents in a country shielded by protection than "sixpence" in a place riddled with free trade. He discovered it waB< not the price of an article which concerned him, but his ability to pay the price. With no money I in your pozket a five-dollar coat lB dear, but? witn money "to the fore" o ten-dollar coat ist eheap. And this is just the difference between' free trade and protection. Free trade will offer you a foreign, pauper-made cap at llftv cents, j yet prevent you from earning a cent; while pro-j tection may offer you a home-manufactured cap, at a dollar, yet give you every chance to earn' dollars enough to buy several caps. Why are] foreigners crowding to our shores by tens of1 thousands from places where low-priced goods are made if low-priced goods also make content-' ed people ? Are any goods low-priced the peo- p!e cannot buy--and are any goods high-priced1 the people can readily buy, no matter how small! the cost of the first or comparatively great the cost, of the second? Free-traders tell you that while they open the gates to foreign woolen goods they make It ap ««SAVE Has, SOMEBODY I" Ml ^ shop or mill that has the smallest pay-roll in proportion to its production will take the mar ket. Certainly you do not need to b 3 told that the wages now enjoyed by our American work men are greatly larger and the comforts they en;oy greatly more than those enjoyed by the work ng people of anv other land. Certainly you do not need to be told that if the American Government, instead of patronizing home indus tries, buys its bankets for the public service in England that this is just that much less wor<£ for American workmen to do. This is to me the beginning and tbe end of the tariff question, fc-ince I was old enough to have opinions, or to utter them, I have held to the doctrine that the true American policy was that which should maintain not only a living rate of wages, but one with a margin for savings and comfort for our workingmen. I believe that policy is essential to the pros perity and possibly to the perpetuity of our Gov ernment. The two propositions that now stare our working people and our whole country in tbe face are these: ' Competition with foreign countries without adequate discriminating and favoring duties means lower wages to our working people. A revenue tariff only, or progressive free trade, means larger importation of foreign goods, and that means less work in Americ i. Let our Democratic friends fairly me9t these two indis putable conclusion?. How do they do it? By en- deavorint! to pervert and poison the mind-i of our workingpeople by utterly false arfd scandal ous campaign stories. Let me say in conclu sion that I believe the managers of the Demo cratic campaign cieatly underestimate the in telligence. the sense of decency, and the love of fair play which prevails among our psople. You will pardon further remarks. The evening iB drawing on, and many of you, I am sure, have been made uncomfortable by your muddy walk through tho streets of our city." I cannot omit, however, to thank my friends from Lafayette for this beautiful floral tribute which they'have placed at my side, an emblem of their profes sion. I accept it gratefully, and very hignlv ap preciate it as a mark of the confidence and respect of the intolligeut body c! my own fellow- citizens ol Indianapolis. , THE EFFECT ON WOOL. BBAIDINO is the garniture par ie#6e. No one can go amiss who rstes her garments with this trimmfng,' whether ia fine cords or heavy applique pattern?- J t J n t. / - . The Effect Mt High Tariff Upon Domestic Manufactures. [From the Louisville Commercial.] , It is idle to talk about making our manufact urers able to compete, without protection, with those of England, by giving them free machin ery and free raw materials. England has free machinory and free raw materials as well as we. Ninety per cent, of the cost of nearly every manufactured product is labor, and as long as we pay labor twice as much as our English rivals do we cannot compote with them without regulating our commerce with them so as to in sure our manufacturers a living jirofit. The price of everything is ultimately regulated by supply and demand. We have the most liberally and largely purchasing popu lation in the world. ' We manufacture more than England. We supply our own people with much more thfcn all the rest of the world sells to them. If our manufacturers Wore compelled to shut down for want of a liv ing profit, would not the largely increased de mand thereby thrown upon the foreign manu facturers at once cause them to raise their prices largely ? It is cheaper and more profit able to pay a high price at home than it is to pay it abroad. Protection is designed to enable our manu facturers to compete on terms that will allow them a living with foreign manufacturers, so that foreign manufacturers may not be able to dictate prices to us, so that our people may have diversity of employment, and so that farming may not bo broken down bv having too many of our population engaged in It. The Tariff and Farm Values. In his excellent speech in opposition to the Mills bill, Congressman Burrows showed how diversified industries have increased the value of farm lands. It is a table which cannot be too closely studied by the fanner. No one denies, ofaoourse, that protection diversifies the indus tries of a country. The most ardent free-trader will admit that this has been the result of pro tection in this country. His objection is that the diversification has been too expensive: that the manufacturers have not paid lor the aid they have received from the tariff. We shall Bee, however, that the value of farm lands is greatly increased whenever the industries 1 of a community are varied; ; hat where the per- , centage of farmers is smallest the value of farms per acre is largest, and where most of the community is engaged in agriculture the value of the farm land la lowest. Mr. Burrows divid ed theJStates and Territories into four groups. In thenrst he placed that part of the country where leas than 30 per cent, of the people are eagwtd in agricultiur*; the second, over SO and less Than 50; the third, over 50 and less than 70; juijh, rojuad over. The average value per M*#®* jm tb« 90 ^ffcroant. wcvxf is ti tlw ilAw MiM more than Wper oent. and less than SO per cent, of the population are fanners, the value of an acre of farm land is •80.55, In tha third, it is 913,53 j in the fourtj^ Figures 'Which Show the Fatal Effect of Tariff Reduction* [From the Toledo Blade.] The free trade argument to Bupport the free wool idea is that it is "necessary" to have for eign wool to mix with our own; that making wool free will increase our woolen manufact ures, and hence the demand for native wool. Let us see whether it works that way. The wool duty was reduced in 188:4. In 1887 we produced 14,0!)0,000 less pounds of native wool than in 1882. and the price fell (taking fleece-washed XX for illustration) from 42 cents a pound in 1882 to* 34 cents in 1887. As to our imports, they in creased from 67,661,744 pounds in 1882 to 114,038,- 030pounds in 1887. Here is as good an illustration of the effects of tariff reduction below the protective line as ohe needs. Under such reduction the price of native wool has decreased, the production has fallen off because wool-growing has become unprofitable through tho reduction of the duty, ana our im- portB of foreign wool have largely increased. What is true of wool will be true of any other protected product. Something for Business Men to Ponder Over. The Government revenue for the fiscal year 1886 was $336,0J0,000; for 1887 it was #371,000,- 000; and for 1888, $379,000,003, showing a pros perous condition of the country under the pro tective system, and a steady increase in its busi ness. Then came in the President's assault en tho protective system, in Decembor last, fol lowed up by the speeches of Democratic leaders, the crushing out of Kandall and Howden in Pennsylvania, and other protectionists else where, and the passage of the Mills bill; and in consequence of it the revenue has fallen off for the fiscal year ending June 30, 188J, so much that the esiimate of $383,00),000 is now said to be S13,00 J.00J over the mark, while the expendi tures will be over $422,000,090, or «9fi,000,00j more than the estimate. At this rate, how long would it take to bankrupt the Treasury, and bring United States bonds below par, even sup posing that business continues ana general bank ruptcy does not ensue?--Brooklyn Standard- Union. Where tfce Shoe Pinches. I think it is safe to say that ninety-nine out of every hundred women wear shoes that are too large in the instep. Shoes that are too large in the instep allow the feet to crowd forward on the toos and the result is thero is a deformity of some sort. When a woman's foot hurts her nine times oat of ten she will have the buttons of her shoes set so they will be made larger in the instep, and if her toes are troubling her the mischief is only increased. The buttons should be reset so as to make the instep smaller and tho shoes to fit the bet ter. The slovenly fitted shoe is tho cause of most of the trouble. by giving our manufacturers free raw wool from abroad; but how can this benefit you or them when our woolen goods must be ruinously cheapened to meet the low-priced foreign goods that will then glut our markets? But, will admitting lorei^n raw wools free make these wools any cheaper to our manufac turers? Not at all. So long as they must com pete witlfeour three hundred million pounds of homo-raisfed wool they will be somewhat cheap ened, but only until they have driven our wooi- groVers to the wall; then the foreign wool- laisera, having our markets all to themselves, will demand their own prices for their fleeces, and thus fleece us closer than their own sheop. Thus at a single stroke the free-trade Mills bill will destroy our wool-raising industry and at the same time close every woolen-mill in the country. Are you ready aud willing to meet and suffer such a calamity? You %can are it it only by voting for Harrison. Free-traders tell you that free raw materials will protect our industries as well as a tariff. Pay no hetd to the lalsehood. We have free cotton aud free iron ore, yet, except for the tar iff, our cotton mills and"iron furnaces would in six months be all at a sheriff's sale, und then where would you be? Surrounded by a starv ng family oi trnmping tnrougb the country without a home. In highly manufactured goods the cost of the raw material is, within reasonable limits, of second' ry importance. Tbe iron ore that costs 50 cents a ton can by 'abor be worked up into material worch from fifteen hundred to two thousand dollars au ounce. In the making of such goods it would be of little consequence whether the ore cost 50 cents t r #2 a ton. The further the goods are from the condition of the raw mat jrial the less important are a few cents one wav or the other in the cost of the raw ma terial, and it is the making of these superior goods which brings you the highest wages. Thereforo, treat all this free-trade twaddle about frae foreign raw material being such a great boon to you with the contempt it deserves. Free-traders try to deceive you with the false assertion that protection increases the cost of manufactured goods, and therefore the cost of living to you. But see now how, on the con trary, protection tends constantly to cheapen goods aud raise wages. As late as 1872 free- trade England charged a duty of from $39 to $100 a ton on imported iron. S. e made it felony, punishable with imprisonment and transporta tion, for any American colonist to erect a blast furnace in this country, and she levied a duty on all raw wool exported from her own borders. By these, and other high protective means, she so perfected her own industries thett she had to preach free trade to secure markets for her sur plus products ; and we and other nations were, and are, obliged to resort to protection to guard ourselves against her rapacity while building up and perfecting our own industries. And with what happy results? you will ask. Well, to give only a few instances out of many, woolen blankets are only half the price charged us by England for similar blankets before we had a protective tariff; a suit of woolen clothing which costs now S10 could not be bought ten years ago for less than $ 18 or $20. In 18t>7 we paid England $106 a ton for railway iron; but, thanks to the good tariff, we now make all we need, and the price ranges from $31 to $35 a ton, a saving to us of over $130 a ton, wh eh but tor protection we would be still paying the English ironmasters. In 1874 we paid l.'lty cents a pound for English car axles; now, owing to protection, we make them ourselves and the price is 4'<> cents a pound. And thus you will find it throughout the entire list of our protected industries. As Boon as we got fairly started the prices ot their products be gan to fall, and, curiously enough, your wages began to rise, in proof of which you have only to compare the waues and hours of labor twenty- five years ago with present wages and hours of labor for the same kind of work. It is to again make us tributary to England, with high prices andjow wages, that Cleveland has bargained, through the Mills bill, with his British support ers for a second term. Sprang u Leak. It was his first visit to the city. As ho stood on the curbstone shaking his sides with laughter, he waa accosted by one of New Haven's finest: "What's the fun, stranger?" "Fun! Can't you see it? Just look I19W that thing (pointing to a watering cart) leaks; why, the bbune fool won't nave a drop left when ha gets home."--New Ha ven Newa. Tailor gowns are made with smaller tournures---imported gowns have but one steel aiad a small oashiou. ago he astonished me by bin profound An Illiterate Man. "I would like to meet Bingly very much. I admire him for his learning." "You do? Why, he can't read or write." "Impossible! When I met him five years jo he ast knowledge. "Very likely, but to-day he can't wad ot write." "Why not?" "He's dead."--Lincoln Journal, Speed Ont of the Question. Counsel (impatiently to witness)---Can't you speak a little faster, Uncle Eastus? Witness--Didn't I swa' to teirde truf, do whole truf, an' nufiin but de truf? Counsel--Yes, yos. Witness--Den Ise got ter go slow.--JVew York Sun. AMONG the most convenient ont door garments in that style is the redingote, which is made of velvet, cashmere, cloth or silk. Tho sides are left open and it is worn over a kilted or plain skirt. It has a vest front of shrimp pink china crape, and a dark brown velvet rolling collar and belt strap. The skirt is of brown and cream plaid surah, ana the redingote is of wood brown Henrietta cloth. The hat is turned up 60 as to make a threo-cornered hat, and the whole costume is at once stylish and individual. I use that word advisedly, for the pretty, doll-like girl would look piquant and cunning in it, and the tall, heavy girl statuesque and pictorial together in such a costume. There is no end to its variety in effects nnder skillful hands. CASHMEBK and silk are popular com binations. FACTS 4BP FAMCI18. < Ir a young lady's maiden aim Ig wath lessful she has no maiden name. THE hotel waiter knows the wait to do it--Unless you tip him.--Burlington - Free Press. lk| PATRON--Does that Chinaman ever patronize you? Bootblaok--No! I never Chinese boots.--Lowell CitiicA f A K STREET boy calls his mother"? *1 slipper "yellow-jacket" because it has I" so much sting in it.--Washington Critic, - ' WE dote upon this world as if it were i never to have an end; and we, neglect * the next as if it were never to leave a beginning. --Fenelon. SMITH--I haven't seen much of you lately, Miss Flora. Flora--No; -V I've been in mourning I wear high neck dresses. i WE hear frofh time to time of seveTe storms ihat do vast damage to fisher- lf| men's coats, but the number of smacks lost at sea is nothing to the number lost M on land.--Rochester Express. IT has been estimated that the moon gives as much light as 184,000,000,000,- | 000,000 candles. This is probably why the baby finds it so difficult to blow it out.--Somerville Journal. FALSE happiness is like false money. •: It passes, says Pope, for a time as well ' as the true, and serves some ordinary occasions; but when it is brought to the touch, we find the lightness and alloy, and feel the loss. A WOMAN escaped from prison in Illi nois a few days ago. It is supposed she quarried a hole in the stone wall with a hair-pin. A woman uses a hair-pin for nearly every other purpose under . the sun.--Norristown Herald. ' "You get oft some pretty rank things, sometimes," said the grocer to Bacon, who was holding down boxes around his stove. "Yes," replied Ba6on, modestly; "I just got off that firkin of butter there . a few minutes ago.--Yonkers States• man. * HE (lightly)--A friend of mine told me to-day that in Cuba a young lady is not allowed to kiss her lover until after marriage. She (demurely)--I should like to go to Cuba. He (shocked)-- Cuba? She (tenderly)--After marriage. --Philadelphia Record. SHE (on board the yacht Fleetwing) --What are they doing Lieut. Gold- braid? He--They are weighing the anchor. She--O, are they ? Would you mind asking how much it weighs? ' I am so interested in everything of a nautical nature.--Epoch. MASTER BOBBY'S papa is the happy owner of a hatching machine. The other day, as the former was watching a chick, energetically breaking its way through its shell, he inquired: "I see - how he gets out, but however did he go to work to get in?"--Sxmday Repub lic. IMPATIENT HUSBAND--Where in the world have you been ? I want my din ner. Wife--Excuse me, John, but I ' ran down to the sewing society at 5, and to my surprise it didn't wind up until 8. Husband--You mean it waa wound up at 5 and didn't run down till 8.--The Sun. RAILROAD dinning station proprietor --If the new Superintendent yf thia road ain't discharged pretty soon I'll be bankrupt. Friend--What's he doing to ye? "He's a running the trains so regular that the passengers get plenty of time to eat their meals, hang him.-- . Philadelphia Record. WHY should I go about?" a favorite comedian demanded of a society lady. "Because everybody wants to meet you." "Oh, well," returned the comedian, "it's much better as it is; I never knew . of but one man who was not spoiled by being lionized." "Who was that?" she asked. "The Prophet Daniel. MASHER (to the stage doorkeeper)-- Ah, could you-- aw:--let me see--aw-- Mile. De Montfort? You know her--- chawming young cweature, with golden hair, don t yer know. Dawnces--aw-- in the ballet. Doorkeeper (gruffly)-- No you can't see her, young feller. II you have any message give it to me. I'm her grandson. WHY are we like angels visits? said < a pretty girl on a sofa to her' bashful lover, who was sitting loncsomely on a chair at the other end of the room. "Really," he stammered and blushed, t "I must give it up. Why are we?" "Because," she said, significantly, "wo are few and far between." Ho destroyed the similarity almost instantly. "I CONFESS, sir," said the widow, with some shyness, "that I might in time learn to love you, but, er--you are quite poor, are you not?" "Well, yes; my income is not large, but you, dear Mrs. Tompkins, to cheer and encourage me, it would soom--." "Ah," interruped the widow, with a sigh, "that would be giving hostages to fortune. I am draw ing $15 a month pension, and I wouldn't like to give up a dead sure thing for • rank uncertainty." "as A BELL in a CHIME." As a bell in a chime Sets its twin-note a-ringing, As one poet's rhyme Wakes another to singing, So, once she has smiled, - ' All your thoughts are beguiled A.nd flowers and song from your childfraQd bringing. --' - Though moving through sorrow 1 As the star through tbe night, | She needs not to borrow, Shfl lavishes, light. - - Tne path of yon star * • *. ; Seemeth dark but afar; :.--Lr -i Like hers it is sure, and like hers ft tebritffc r; .J Each grace is a jewel Would ransom tho town, Her speech has no cruel. Her praise is renown; 'T is in her as though Beauty, Resigning to Duty ' The scepter, bad still kept the purple itf . crown. . --October Century. # Society In London. If there be anything which Englisli women dislike more than another it is 1 making a fuss. They do not gush over a new acquaintance or even an old one. H It is the avoidance of fuss and gush | and sloppy compliments which has | gained them a reputation for coldness | of manner. The coldness of manner is '/J simplicity of manner, that and nothing i| else, and it is simplicity of nature which J dictates the simple manner. Lunch | may mean a party of twenty people, but 3 whether twenty or tJwo there is no cere- Jf mony. The ladies walk into the dining- | room by themselves, the men struggle | after and find their way to such seats as | suit them. The talk is as easy as if you || were sitting about a fire, or more so. |j Society does not object to serious topics, 1 or even to the serious treatment of them. What it objects to is pedantry, "1 Eretension, dullness; to that which is I eavy as distinguished from that which 1 is serious. It has preferences, and | strong preferences; but it will endure much. What it will not endure is the J professor who brings into its presence % the solemnities of the lecture-room, or % the man who arrives with a mission, f --Tribune. 5j| SOME painters work in oil, some hi | water colors and very many ia Xtypf. ., \3l. r. J