«• •• - ... i|iji)vii~,'ii".'i"iiii.|ii, MIL'•.'ii,A,:.|',,iii|.! MIIIMJj' iffr(.iuf4, M."- »!.!!•-, ' J :--: . ^ - _ „.•„ .M_plSdBOd, IwrtteT'ruUi, t° Liberty «rd Law| Ho Favors Win UI »nd no rear Shall Awe." VOL. 20. T-""" '."I . J." "0 M'HENRY, ILLINOIS, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1894. NO. 15. PUBLISHED EVEBY WEDNESDAY FIFY V AN 8L Y K 12.-- BDITOB AND PROPBIETOK. orricc ir THE NICHOLS SLOCK. •\ *w# Doors North of Fori y A Onn'i 8tort. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION: One year ;in advance) $1 80 If Kot Paid within Three Mootlia 2 «N) Subscription!. reo*ive<i for three or gix orontbs in the tame proportion. RATES OF ADVERTISING: We announce liberal rates for advertising la the PLAIN DEALER, and endeavor to state them so plainly that they will b* ANuUly un d)t stood. They are as follows: ^ 1 Inch one year * f ' /* 3 Inches one year - • r* » , - 1000 8 Inches one year - - 'Y . & i?00 X C o l u m n o n e y e a r . # i , » • 8 0 0 0 H Column one yen*- ' \ ; ̂ > 6000 Column one year - * • . •*> * ' - 100 00 One uen means the measurement of one neb down the column,single column width. Yearly advertisers, at the above rates, have the privilege of changing as often as they choose, without extra charge. Regular advertisers (meaning those having standing cards) will be entitled eo insertion of local notices at the rate of 5 cents per line each week. All others will be charged 10 cents per line the flT8t»week, and 6 cents per line for each subsequent week. Transient advertisements will be charged at the rate of 10 cents pe line, (nonpareil type, same as this is sei in) the 11 rut Issue, and i'etstt per line for subsequent issues. Thue, An inch advertisement wilt cofat 41.00 for one week, $1.50 for two weeks, #2.00 for three wetka, and so on. The PLATNI>BALBR will be liberal In giving fedltorial notices, but, asa business rule, it will require a suitable f$e from everybody seeking the use of its oolumns for peauniar? gain. BUSINESS CARDS. FBANK L. SBEPABD, finite 514--W La COUNSELLOR AT LAW •Salle St., Chicago. JOS. L. ABT. M, Dk PHTSICIAK iND 8URGBOX, MeHenry lit, Offlre in Nichols Block, over tlaisdcaitr Office. Telephoue No. 4. P O. H. FXGEBS, M. D- miOlAN AND SUBOKOK, K«Htu; Ilia. Office at Residence. O. J. HOWARD, II. D. OHTAIOIAN AND SURGEON. Office at JL tbe ersldence of R. A, Howard, West MeHenry, 111. ; ' •'«*--si---- --i • • DR. A. K. AURINQKR, £ ; ^ TJHYSIOIAN ANDFURWEON. Offlre In ir. X Ohiids building, Wrst vicHcnry, 111. Residence, house lornicrly occupied bv Dr. Osborne, Alt professional ealls promptly at- tended to. * ^.;>v -** F. O, OOLBY, D. 0. DENTIST, Woodstock, 111. Spe attention paid to regnlatmg chi «*'al eth, Pajrties coming from a distance would do well to give timely notice by mail. Office, Kendal block corner Main street and PublloSq nare o. P. BARNES; \f!a TTORNEY, Solicitor, anil Oolleotlons a specialty*. WOODSTOCK, 1U.IHOIS. • KNIGHT A BROWN, A TTORNEY8 AT LAW. U. S. Express Oo.'a i% Building, 87 and 89 Washington St. r#mrw.nw> CHICAGO, ILL*;* '• 7' ; V, S. LUMLRY. s-i* A TTORNEY AT LAW, and Solioltor to '"""^BOMTOOE. III. Ope* in Park House, first floor. "nw» ^ " i1/*' H^C. MEAD, J%Mpe of the Peace and General Jn- , V turance Agent including Accident ' ' and Lite Insurance. V Orrtoi WITH B. GILBKKT, KEAB DUOT, WICST MOUBHBT. III. ; f; W. P. ST. CLAIR, Justice of the Peace and Notary Public r '" , s \ • Jkeal Eatate and y w- j# ^ K UN DA, III. A. ML CHURCH, . âtohmâ er and Jeweler NO.On * HundredTwenty-Five State ftt Chicago. 111. Special Attention given to re palrlngr me watches and Ohronometere. • «r A f ull Assortment of Goods in bis line JOHN P. SMITH, Watohmaker JSc Jeweler ^ MoHENRY. ILLINOIS. ^ /. ifc. VINE stock of Clocks, Watches and Jew XL airy always on hand. Special attention Jtlven to repairing fin* watohes. Give mr • o«ll. JOHN P. BMITH. >g.#T' "!P ,T"' " We8terman & Son; 'S: ' MOUSE* SICN AND CARRIAGE PAINTERS. MCHF.WRT, ItLTSOIS. ' We are prepared to do all work in our line v bhort roiire and gnarrntee satisfaction, i PAPER HANGING A SPEClALTK Prices reasonable and wtrk promptly 4oae. WESTERMAN * SON. MeHerry, J»nuary SO. 1884. ft; JOHN J. BUOH, r " RESTAURANT * V"'1"?" » AMD 1 • I* BOARDING ROUSE, Hear the Iron Bridge, MeHenry, . V' r f'.' ^ 4 "ir ttie OaY ttr twMt it Reatonab'e rates, ' ; A NlOX LIKE OF,ROW ROA^S AT MT LAKDIITG. Pare Wines, Liquors (fed choice Otgars r*\t .'r B«er MuttiHysa draught A MASTERLY REPLY. Uidted States Benator Shelby If. Oallffla Answers Mr. MacYeagh's Questions, Llbanil Extracts from His Speech at Robinson, III. An lotmeiise aMience gathered at Robinson, the county seat of Crawford county, to h*ear the opening address of the campaign of 1894, by Senator Cul- lum. Following is the """n part of his address, omitting only the intro duction: MacVeagh** Questions Answered. And this reminds me, fellow citizens, that one of the democratic * leaders of this state is seeking information upon the issues of the day and has been ask ing me some questions. Hon. Franklin MacVeagh, of Chicago, the nominee of the democratic party for United States senator, has delivered several speeches recently in which he claimed to speak for the party to which he now belongs, and professes to be greatly disappoint ed because, as he says, no one is author ized to speak for the republican party in' this state. This gentleman did not acquire the right or authority to speak for the democratic party" by reason of long service in its ranks, or by any active or prominent participation "in its councils, por is it at all certain that a gentleman who voted the republican ticket until a few years ago, who never was heard of in democratic conventions or in democratic meetings, and who never was known even to have associated with democrats until this summer, is sufficiently well acquainted with the character of his newly chosen party associates or the influences that control their actions to have anyfc positive knowledge as to what his party will or will not do regarding any given subject. The events of the last two years nave shown that this is something that even the most dis tinguished leaders of that party, the men who have directed its affairs for many years and who have acquired an intimate acquaintance with it*- controll ing elements and influences, have not known and do not know now. These leaders told us in the campaign of 1892 what their party would do if it was voted into power, and they have been kept busy ever since they acquired power explaining that they did not mean what they said in 1892 and apolo gising for not keeping the numerous campaign promises with which the peo ple were deceived. * Introduced by Mayor Hopkins. But, while the accredited representa tives of the democratic party in the senate, in the house of representatives and in the national administration have been for a year past giving almost continuous exhibitions pt their inabil ity to agree upon any important issue, this gentleman assumes to know and assumes the authority to tell us exact ly what will be done in the future by tne party to which he practically was introduced for the first time by the mayor of Chicago, when, to the great surprise and utter amazement of its members in this state, he was named as their choice for United States senator, and he complains because no one as sumes to speak with equal authority and positiveness for the republican party. During the years of this gentleman's long association with the republican party he ought to have learned that no one man can or does-dictate its policy or control its action, that no self-ap- pointed leaders can get together and mark out its course, and that it does not blindly espouse any cause or follow any leader or set of leaders. The indi vidual members of the republican party do their own thinking. They are true patriots, because they seek the great est good for the greatest number, be cause they seek the highest good of all the inhabitants of the state and of the nation. They are controlled by princi ple, and the only appeals that can be made to<them with any hope of success are those which appeal to their con science and their intelligence rather than to their partisanship. If Mr. MacVeagh is anxious to find somebody able to speak for the repub lican party, he can be accommodated in any county of this great state. The men who compose the republican party make it what it is and direct its course. They are always ready to give the rea son for their faith, and there are plenty of them competent and qualified to an-< swer all the questions he can think of. MacVeagh's Springfield Speech. I had the pleasure of hearing the speech made at Springfield a few event ings ago by Mr. MacVeagh in which be devoted considerable time to talking about me. I cannot complain of the manner in which he referred to me, and I desire to be equally polite in all that I say about him. In this speech Mr. MacVeagh ex pressed an anxiety to have me tell him what the republican party proposed to do in regard to the tariff if it was re turned to power, an event which he seemed to consider entirely possible if not probable. He wanted to know whether the republican party, if it was returned to power, would rum business by renewing the agitation of the tariff, whether it would re-enact the Mc kinley tariff, or whether it would ac cept as a finality the democratic tariff bill just passed? Republicans Never Disturb Business. My answer to his first inquiry is that there is not the slightest danger that the republican party will paralyze the business interests of the country by its renewal of the agitation of the tariff which has paralyzed business complete ly during the past year and a half of democratic tariff tinkering. The republican party never has been •guilty of such a crime against the busi ness men and the wageworkers of this nation, and it never will be. It never has robbed them of the fruits of their industry and caused them to waste ̂ at least a year of their lives, during which they have labored as they never la bored before, during which they have practiced economics they never were compelled to practice before, during which they have submitted to priva tions that were never necessary before, during which they have borne a far heavier and more oppressive burden of anxiety than they ever bore before, and at the end of which they were thankful if they were able to avoid being closed out by the sheriff. There never was and there never will be such a year as the result of tariff agitation by the republican party. But this does not mean that the re publican party will not revise the tariff if it is restored to power, as it certainly will be. It has revised and reduced the tariff at intervals of a few years when it has been in power, and when it re turns to power it undoubtedly will pursue the same policy and, revise and rednoe tarpf duties Whenever the con- , * / • . • " " " " ' stantly changing conditions of eom- merce and competition and of the rev enues of the government show it to be advisable or necessary. It has made these revisions in the past without dis turbing or stopping the business of the country, and what it has done it can do again. New Democratic Tariff Not a Finality. But Mr. MacVeagh also wants to know if the republican party will ac cept the new democratic tariff as a finality, as a final settlement of the tariff question? I do not know of ahy reason why it should. Mr. MacVeagh himself does not accept it as a finality. He does not indorse it asa measure satisfactory to him or to his party, and only claims that it is the best the democrats could do and only indorses it in a general way as a beginning in the fight for "tatfff reform which leads to free trade." And Mr. MacVeagh assumes to speak for the democratic party of Illinois. Mr. Cleveland does not accept as a finality this measure which he de clared meant "party perfidy and party dishonor," and to which he refused to attach his sacred signature. On the contrary, he has declared publicly that the fight for the mythical something called tariff reform must be continued and that this joint enactment of the sugar trust and the democratic con gress, this measure which he says was inspired and dictated by "the commun ism of pelf," was only tiie first skirmish in the battle. Ana Mr. Cleveland is the head of the democratic party. Senator Mills, of Texas, the author of the Mills bill, and one of the original and most ardent apostles of the tariff reform which leads to free trade, as Mr. MacVeagh repeatedly defines it, declared in the senate that tliis last product of democratic statesman ship did not suit one thousand persons in the nearly seventy millions, and I never have heard this statement dis puted by any democrat, populist or re publican. Why, then, should this monstrosity, this foundling that no prominent dem ocrat is willing to acknowledge or give his name to, which no democratic lead er regards as a finality, which does not suit a thousand persons in the United States, be accepted as a finality by the republican party? When the demo crats in congress are able to pass a tar iff bill which their own president is not ashamed to sign, and which suit# more than a thousand persons in the United States, it will be time enough for Mr. MacVeagh to ask if the repub lican party accepts it as a finality. Will the McKlnley Law Be Reenacted? The other inquiry made by Mr. Mac Veagh was whether the republican ftarty will reenact the McKinley law if t is restored to power? Upon this question I cannot assume to speak in advance for the entire republican par ty, or even for the members of the next republican congress, but my judgment and my prediction is that that measure will not be reenacted in its entirety. That measure had been in force for four years when it was repealed, and in the natural course of events and in accordance with the policy pursued by the republican party during the past twenty years, It would have been re vised by. that party, had it been con tinued in power, as soon as the chang ing conditions of trade and commerce or any other reason showed a new ad justment of tariff duties necessary. The republican party has passed a good many tariff bills and is fully compe tent to pass others when they are needed, although from the amount of cackling done by our democratic friends it might be supposed that no tariff bill ever had been passed until they man aged after a year's work to produce one that their own president was ashamed to sign. Protection Will Be Maintained. But, while there is no that the McKinley law w: acted exactly as it stood on the statute books, because the conditions of trade and commerce and competition have changed in the years since it was en acted, I have no hesitation in declaring that when the republican party re turns to power and enacts a new tariff law it will be drawn in accordance with the policy of protection to Ameri can industries and American wage- workers. Every provision it contains will be intended to promote the pros perity of the American people, and it will not contain a single provision in tended to give any foreigner an advan tage over any American citizen. Some Questions tor Mr. MacVeagh. While I have not assumed to say ex actly what will be the details of the tariff measure that will be passed by the next republican congress, I a to willing to tell Mr. MacVeagh what I personally will favor doing when I am reelected to the senate, as I confidently expect to be in spite of the democratic gerrymander of the legislative dis tricts. When the republicans prepare their next tariff bill I shall advise that the first step taken shall be to consider the propriety of reducing the duties upon the fifty-one articles upon which the new democratic measure of tariff reform has increased the duties above the rates fixed in the McKinley act. I would be very anxious to dis cover why these duties were increased by a party which in its national plat form denounced all protection as a fraud and a robbery and denounced the alleged high rates fixed by the McKin ley law as "the culminating atrocity of class legislation." If it was true that the McKinley law was in fact "the culminating atrocity of class legislation," it is difficult to see how even a republican congress could have been wicked enough tonave made its rates any higher, and much less such an immaculate body as a dem ocratic congress, and yet the present congress actually increased the McKin ley rates on fifty-one different articles. I am curious to know why this was done, and I ask Mr. MacVeagh to ex plain whether this is the kind of tariff reform he favors and advocates? The Struggle Over the Tariff. The question which has been forced upon the attention of the country most conspicuously in recent years has been the tariff question. It has been discussed almost continuously during the past six years, or since the message of Pres ident Cleveland in 1887, and perhaps with greater force by the enemies of the American protective tariff system than ever before in our history as a na tion. The last half of Mr. Cleveland's first presidential term was signalized chiefly by his famous December mes sage of 1887. The courage displayed in its deliverance gave him the nomina tion for a second term, but the doc trines enunciated in the message de feated him at the polls. The house of congress was democratic, the senate was republican. Mr. Cleveland's first term expired and no serious harm came to the country, notwithstanding the attacks made upon tl*e industries of by the president sad the » probability rill be reen- the country democrats of both houses uf congress. The bill known as the Mills bill passed the house, but the republican senate substituted for it a protective meas ure and neither became a law. The battle went on. Harrison was elected, together with a republican house of representatives. The republic an congress elected in 1888 undertook the task of revising the tariff, which they completed in October, 1890. The tariff act of 1890 was misrepresented and misunderstood, with the result that the republican party was defeated in 1880 and 1892. The senate remained in the hands of the republicans until after the election of 1892, and tbe efforts of the democracy to change the tariff policy of the government were ineffectual. Even after the unexpected election of President Cleveland and a democratic house in November, 1892, the prevailing conditions were not changed imme diately. It must be remembered that it was several months after the November electi^ in 1892 before it was supposed or known that the democratic party would secure a majority of the United States senate. Before it was feared or supposed that the democrats would se cure control of the senate and would thus obtain the power to overturn the Me Kin- lev tariff the unprecedented prosperity which had prevailed during the Har rison administration continued. Busi ness in all branches of trade and indus try was better than ever before. It was at high water mark every where throughout the country, and even the unexpected result of the last presidential election did not seri ously interfere with the general pros perity enjoyed as long as the country believed that a republican United States senate would continue to stand as an impassable barrier between the people and the destructive pledges of the triumphant democracy. Business Record of the Year 189S. This is shown by the following state ment by Dun & Co.'s weekly review, a non-partisan and commercial author ity, made at the close of the year in re viewing the business record of the year 1893: "Starting with the largest trade ever known, the mills crowded with work and all business stimulated by high hopes, the year 1893 has proved, in the sudden shrinkage of trade, in commer cial disasters and the depression of in dustries the worst in fifty years. * * * The year closes with the prices of many products the lowest ever known, with millions of workers seeking in vain for work, and with charity laoor- ing to keep back suffering and starva tion in all our cities." With the beneficent legislation of the republican party still in force, and with the belief general that the demo cratic party, although in control of the house and the administration, would be powerless to disturb the existing condition of affairs or to seriously in terfere with the prosperity of the coun try, because it was supposed that the senate would continue to be republican and that the conditions would be the same as they were during Cleveland's first administration, the year started, as Dun's weekly review shows, "with the largest trade ever known, the mills crowded with work and aU business Stimulated by high hopes." The Cause of the Panic. What caused the change which made the business record of a year started thus auspiciously "the worst in fifty years?" There was only one change in the political conditions which prevailed at the opening of the year, but it was an exceedingly important one. In Janu ary the legislatures convened in the states in which United States senators were to be elected. The unexpected result of a series of uncertain contests in a few months gave the democrats a majority in the United States senate and consequently complete control of the government, with full power to carry out their pledge to repeal the ex- iiting protective tariff. Then it was that the business inter ests of the country first became alarmed, and the mere fear that the democratic free trade policy would be put into effect made the record of the year, notwithstanding its splendid start, "the worst in fifty years. The Democratic Party Responsible. If the democratic party is not re sponsible for the enormous losses and the widespread suffering caused by this change, who is? President Cleveland was inaugurated March 4, 1893, with a democratic ma jority in both branches of congress, and nad power to call the democratic congress in session that very day if he had seen fit. When the democrats set up the claim that the business disas ters and depressions which followed his inauguration were the result of republican legislation, they must ex plain why this legislation was not re pealed for a year and a half after their party secured the power to re peal it. The democratic party has had the power to repeal any of its legisla tion ever since March 4, 1893, and its failure to repeal it makes that party responsible for all the losses ana suf fering that have resulted during the past eighteen months, if republican legislation was in fact the cause of the trouble. But, in order to prove that these troubles resulted from republican leg islation, the democrats must also ex plain, if they can, how it happened that, under this same legislation, the country reached the floodtide of pros perity "while the republicans were in power and were administering these laws, but went backward so rapidly after the democrats came into power, and while the same laws were in force, that the business record of the year be came "the worst in fifty years. These two points must be explained satisfactorily before the democratic party can succeed in unloading any of the responsibility for the business de pression of the past year and a half upon the republican party. When Mr. MacVeagh made the open ing speech of his campaign at Chicagp, he undertook to unload all the respon sibility for the unprecedented business depression of the past eighteen months upon the republican party and its pro tective policy, and I call upon him to explain these two points. Alarm Seised Upon the People. When it became apparent early in 1893 that the democratic party had se cured control'of the government, alarm seized upon the people. -Business men hesitated and did not know what to count upon or what to do. The dem ocratic platform of 1892 was called up and discussed to find some clew to what the action of the party would be. _ In I the platform was found a declaration i denouncing protection as a fraud and a robbery of the great majority of the I American people for the benefit of the ] few, and a declaration that the govern ment has no constitutional right or power to impose and collect tariff duties accept for the purpose of revenue only. The question everybody asked was, would the party carry out its pledges? The president had denounced the pro tective policy so vehemently, and the democratic majority in congress was so great, that the peopl^ believed the Elatform declarations would be crys-illized into law. The result was that business men called a halt. Moneved men took alarm. Money went Into its hiding places and labor was thrown out of em ployment. And from that time to this the country has been in the most de- Elorable condition ever known in its istory since the days of the revolution Silver Attacked Instead of the Tariff. All eyes were turned upon the presi dent. An immediate proclamation was looked for calling congress together to rid the country of what his party had declared to be an unconstitutional act. The business interests of the country prepared for a raid. They expected the worst would have been a relief from the suspense. The president, however, did not heed the cries of distress that went up from all over the land, and for many months no attempt was made to relieve the prevailing suspense, which was greatly aggravated by his appar ent indifference. / Finally a proclama tion was issued convening congress on August 7, 1893. But the purpose for which the special session was called was not to repeal at once the tariff act of 1890, which had been denounced as a "robber tariff." but simply and only to repeal the purchase clauses of the so- called Sherman silver act. Republican senators and members of congress did not believe these silver purchases to be the cause of the panic which came upon the country after the democratic party came fully into power, but the democrats Insisted that this was the cause of the trouble, and we voted for the repeal in order that the democracy might have a fair trial in their blundering efforts to properly conduct national affairs. The .terrible tariff act of 1890 was not attacked until the regular session began, nine months after Mr. Cleve land's second advent to power. During all this time the wheels of commerce were almost at a standstill. During this whole period millions of men were idle. Wreck and ruin were seen on every hand, and men with large and men with small interests were alike holding1 off and anxiously waiting for the administration and congress to ,determine and announce its policy. But during all this period of terrible suffering and anxiety the representa tives of the party in power did nothing except to give exhibitions of incapacity and oi disagreements among them selves. Then Came an Issue of Bonds. At lengthTthe struggle over the tariff began. The administration complained that the government needed more mon ey and sought to obtain authority from congress for an issue of bonds. This was not given, but fifty millions of bonds were issued, notwithstanding, under questionable authority, and in spite of the vehement manner in which the democratic party always has de nounced bond issues as made solely in the interest of Wall street and the na tional banks. Finally the house passed the Wilson bill, and in spite of these facts and of the constantly decreasing revenues of the government, it was so made up that it would have failed to raise sufficient revenue for the support of the govern ment by from fifty to seventy-five mil lions oi dollars. But it was indorsed as a genuine tariff reform measure and was therefore satisfactory to the free traders, no matter what might become of the credit*of the government. When the Wilson bill reached thp senate it was in due time reported to that body by the finance committee with a great many amendments, and the chairman of that committee in a prepared address informed us and the country that the treasury should not again be without a surplus during the present administration. No one knows to a certainty what amount of revenue the new tariff act will produce, but my prediction is that the secretary of the treasury will sell another fifty millions of bonds before congress meets again in December. A. Mad Scramble for Senatorial Totes. After the tariff bill had been before the senate for discussion for some time, our democratic friends complained thai we republicans did not discuss the sep arate paragraphs of the bill and the amendments reported. They were answered that the bill before the sen ate was not the bill they intended to pass. This statement was denied vig orously and with much feeling, yet in less than four days afterwards more than four hundred new amendments were presented. The object of all this shuffling and double dealing was to frame a bill that would secure the votes of all the democratic and popu list senators. It was not a question of principle. It was not a question of consistency. It was not a question of providing the revenues necessary for tne support of the government, or of promoting the prosperity of the people. No rule gov erned the actions of the managers of the bill; their only object was to pass a bill of some kind. Palmer Uot a Slice of the Pork. When the democratic and populist senators discovered their power, they did not hesitate to ask for anything that would help them individually in their own states, and to insist upon having it as the price of their support of the bill. Thus it became necessary, in order to pass the bill, that iron and coal must be protected to secure the votes of the Alabama senators. Sugar must be protected to secure the aid of the Louisiana senators and of the two populists from Nebraska and Dakota. Collars and cuffs had to be protected to get the vote of the junior senator from New York. Rice and peanuts had to be protected to make sure of North Carolina. Zante currants must be cared for to fasten the democratic sen ator from California. And even my colleague insisted upon having a slice of the pork when he saw his associates all helping themselves. He demanded protection on barbed wire and in de fending his action told the senate how cheap it had become under the much abused policy of protection! Democrats Demanding Protection. Finally, when all these demands had been met, when all these tariff reform ers had secured their share of protec tion for the special interests of their states, and had received a solemn pledge that the industries in which they were specially interested should not be destroyed bv this great reform movement, the bill passed the senate and eventually became a law. Fellow-citizens, you never saw be fore such a pitiful spectacle, such a scramble of tariff reform democrats, each trying to save the chief indus tries of his own locality by means of protective dutiee, and yet each de nouncing protection and trying to pass what they called a tariff reform bill. What a commentary upon the political honesty of the democratic party! No further proof is required to show the soundness of the protective policy of the republican party. Protection Amendments Swallowed. I need not detain you to recount the further history of the struggle, which continued until the house, finding that the senate was ready to kill the bill it hap passed if it came back to that bifay, took possession of the measure b$| force in violation of all the prece dents of parliamentary procedure and swallowed the six hundred and forty- two senate amendments at one gulp, sugar, peanuts, rjee, currants, collars and cuffs, iron ore and coal and barbed wire and all. They did not enjoy this dose and many of "them have not yet succeeded in gettingthebadtasteoutof their mouths, but some have recovered sufficiently to assert that, while it was not exactly what they wanted and was not what anybody else wanted, it was a little better than the McKinley law! How Can They Face the Peoplef it was during this struggle that President Cleveland wrote his famous letter to Wilson, insisting upon the pas sage of the house bill which fell by the wayside. In this letter, referring to the senate bill which he was afraid to veto and which he permitted to become a law, he asked: "How can we face the people after indulging in such out rageous discriminations and violations of principle?" I give it up. But, fel low-citizens, if the politicians of that party were possessed of the usual de gree of modesty given to men, they could not now face the people except to confess frankly that they do not know how to care for the vast interests of this great nation of nearly seventy millions of people, and that they are ready to accept the back seat they are sure to be given in November next. Think of a great party claiming to have benefited the people because it lias made wool free and has placed protec tive pities on sugar, iron ore and joal.in the face of the protest made by Presi dent Cleveland in his letter against placing the wool of the farmer on the free list while placing the protection of tariff taxation around the iron ore and coal of corporations and capi talists! The mere threat of free trade, or of the "tariff reform which leads to free trade," as Mr. MacVeagh calls it, closed mills and factories and mines all over the land and threw millions of honest toilers out of employment. Many thou sands of these have been compelled to exhaust the savings accumulated dur ing their years of prosperity under the republican policy of protection, when employment was found without diffi culty and wages were higher than in any other country on the face of the globe. Those who were fortunate enough to be kept at work or to even tually be given employment again have been compelled to accept reductions in wages and in the amount of work furnished. These are the only condi tions under which the industries that have been deprived of protection by the new democratic tariff can assume oper ations and meet successfully the com petition of the foreign manufacturers for whose benefit the democratic party has made these reductions. The com petition between our own manufactur ers has been so keen that every possi ble economy in the cost of manufactur ing their products has been practiced, and in adjusting their operations to the changed conditions imposed by the new tariff the only further reduction that can be made is in the wages paid for labor. This is the only way in which they can compete successfully with products manufactured by cheaper foreign labor, the importation of which has been invited by removing or reduc ing the duties heretofore imposed by the republican party for the purpose of keeping .up tne Wages vf American labor. This country cannot afford to pau perize labor. Humanity and good citi zenship alike protest against it. Every element of justice demands that the man or woman who toils shall*be rewarded as liberally as may be possi ble, that they shall be enabled to live in comfort, and that, they shall thus be afforded opportunities to make of themselves such citizens as this na tion requires to insure the perma nence of its institutions and to make it a nation of intelligent, prosperous and contented people. I protest against the democratic tariff policy because its tendency is to pauperize labor and thus to debase the standard of citisen- ship of the republic, which cannot be elevated too highly. Currency and Coinage. Having now considered briefly the tariff question, it is quite proper that I should also present my views regard ing the future duty of the republican party toward the important questions of currency and coinage, which have assumed such significance in the United States This country is one of the great pro ducers of the two important money metals, and is entitled therefore to al most the first consideration among the great nations of the world in deter mining the relationship of these metals to each other, for coinage purposes, as well as the relationship which ooth, as money metals, shall bear to the busi ness of this country and of the world. The people of the United States will never consent to become mere specta tors, when the contest between com mercial nations, for the fixing of standards of value or conditions of . coinage, is being determined. Neither will the sense of justice of our citizens permit the degradation of either silver j or gold to be brought about at the ex- j pense of the other, either at home or • abroad. I have a strong belief that either by international regulations or i commercial influences, aided and sup- j plemented by legislation, the just de termination of this great subject is to ' be reached at no distant day. ( I believe in the use of both silver and i gold as money. I am in favor of an in- 1 ternational conference bud agreement for the opening of all the mints of the world for the coinage of silver, at the ratio of 15% or 16 to one. I want an agreement among the leading nations by which our old silver dollar--"the dollar of the daddies"--will be recog nized the world over as the equal of any other dollar as a circulating medi um. I favor a policy which will en able us to keep in our country our full share of the yellow metal, and in view of our great silver mines, a little more than our share of the white metal, but I want every dollar of whatever kind to be of equal value, in purchasing and debt paying power, with every other dollar. If we can secure an international agreement fixing the ratio at 153 ̂or 16 to one, I believe the silver dollar will take its old place, and will be as good as the gold dollar, and the struggle on Lti '• ,Sfc Prospects for an Agreement. I do not believe the nations can long} depreciate and turn aside silver fronl its posit ion as one of the money metals. I believe that Germany, Great Britain and France will soon see that their own interests will require the opening of their mints to silver. Other commercial nations must also be included in any f eneral attempt to establish a ratio be- ween silver and gold so that they may be interchangeable one with the other at a fixed relative value, all over the world, so that the proper stability and permanence of the plan to be adopted may be assured. Financial Condition of the Hatkn. Fellow citizens, allow me a word or two now in regard to the financial con-* dition of the country in 1892, when the republican party went out of power. The wealth of the country increased from Jf?.6,159,616,068 in I860, to 862,610,- 000,000 in 1890. The capital invested ia manufactures in 1890 had increased three billion dollars. The wages earned by employes in manufacturing in 1890 aggregated $1,221,170,454. and the value of the product was $4,860,286,837. Wages increased greatly in the aggre-> gate between 1880 and 1890, and in this period they made the vast increase of more than 41 per cent, per capita. In 1892 the value of our exports amounted to one billion and thirty mil-! lion dollars and exceeded our imports by the sum of two hundred million dollars^ showing that the republican protective policy has continually built up and enlarged our foreign commerce, instead of closing against us the markets of the world, as claimed by the free traders. In 1891 the amount of deposits in the savings banks of the country aggre gated the sum of $1,623,079,749, and nearly all of it belonged to the art isans, mechanics and other laboring; men of the country. At the close of President Harrison's administration the interest-bearing debt of tiie nation amounted to ©565,- 039,260. It had been reduced under the republican policy from something over twenty-five hundred million in 1865 to that sum. Cleveland came into office in 1893 with a democratic congress to support him, and on July 1, 1894, the public debt had increased to 8635,041,* 890, an inci>ease of more than fifty mil lions. And if the democratic policy continues as heretofore the interests bearing debt of the nation will be in creased by the sum of frdm one hun dred and fifty to two hundre millions of dollars before we get rid of demoe* racy in March, 1897. MacVeagh Mistaken A boat Wool. I notice that Mr. MacVeagh congrafe ulates the farmers of this state upon! the benefits they are to derive from the unrestricted competition of foreign wools. He made the unqualified state ment in his Springfield speech that the price of wool has advanced 2 cents a Eound since the passage of the tariff ill, and he attributed this alleged advance to the removal of the tar iff on wool. Mr. MacVeagh's state-' ment Is not sustained by the facta, as they are reported by the lead ing commercial reports of this coun try. Dun & Co.'s Review for the week ending Saturday, September 8, 1894, states that the sales of wool have fallen, and that the price of domestic fine wool weakened about 1 cent a pound at Boston, although Australian, advanced 1}{ cents, with stronger fori eign markets. These facts are ear* rooorated by an editorial in the Com mercial Bulletin of Boston, Saturday, September 8, 1894. This paper, which is an acknowledged authority in the com mercial world, said: "Wool has declined in the United States ever since the. president permitted the bill to become a law. Tne drop on fine scoured terri-v tory has not been less than five cents a sooured pound and one of the heaviest holders in Boston was quite content to accept a loss on his purchases in Mon tana in order to rid himself of the un easy load." I find however in thai London reports the statement that "English wool has advanced again." That seems to be all the foundation there'is for Mr. MacVeagh's claim that wool has advanced as the resi\lt of the passage of the bill, and I suppose that is enough to satisfy him. KaoVesgh's Political Anglomania. When Mr. MacVeagh begins to sound the praises of his new love, the demo cratic party, of course he turns to Eng* land for his beau ideal with which to compare It and thinks it the highest Eraise to say that the democratic party olds the same position in American E>litics that the liberal party does in, ngland to-day. Shades of Peel and Palmers ton, Cob- den and Bright, think of the compart* son! Think of the oarty of slavery and rebellion compared with the party of liberty and progress, the party thai; advocates free trade in manufacturing* to break down the industries of the north and to preserve slavery in th® south, compared with the party that forced free trade in food to preserve) the industries of a free people, and to give better wages and cheaper living to those who toil! Think of the party whose reliance is on bulldozing in the south and election frauds in the slumSi of the great cities of the north being, compared with the party that passeoi the reform bill and has made the Eng lish elections models of purity! MacTeath*! Aspersions on toRaa. The pension question has tniaj taken its place at the front since Cleveland's second advent to power.; His first administration was character^ ized by numerous insults to the vet eran union soldiers of the late civll| war, and his present one began with a determination to reduce and cut , pensions whenever any possible fiTHiiliwa •. could be found, however trivial and! unjust. Many of the scarred and wodH out old veterans are much coneemed, lest their little pensions may be taken away, as many have been, and they be, sent over the bills to the poorhouse tO| save them from hunger and want.* Much has been done already in pursn^ ing them to their homes and every* where for the purpose of finding aomei flaw in their titles and reducing or set«j ting aside the pensions, and I aajr bet permitted here ip refer to Mr. Mso- Veagh again and to express my sincere regret that the gentleman, represent̂ ing as he does the democratic party in lUinois, should feel called upon ta cast any reflections upon that gaUaal soldier and statesman, the idol of that volunteer union soldier of America* Gen. John A. Logan, who, second ta none after Lincoln and Grant, addea glory and renown to the great oom* monwealth of Illinois, which he served so nobly on the field and in the forttm.; I call upon Mr. Mac Veagh to withdraw* at the first opportunity nis remarks re«» fiectii.g uf on that gallant patriot, aq they were unworthy of him ss the rep ̂ resentative of his party. ; Fellow citizens, a great republican victory awaits us if we do our doty* When it comes, as it will, in N'owabtP