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McHenry Plaindealer (McHenry, IL), 30 Sep 1896, p. 10

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• " . -• f'M- WOMAN'S WORK IN THE CAMPAIGN. SOME PERTINENT BUT RATHER EMBARRASSING QUESTIONS FOR MR. BRYAN, Never was there.before a presidential campaign in which the women of the country have taken such an active part as in the present struggle, f In three states of the Union, Wyo­ ming, Colorado and Utah, women have the same voting privileges as men; but feminine interests in the campaign are by no means limited to those states. Intelligent women all over the country seem to feel that the contest has an im­ portant bearing upon the welfare of their households. They think that the cause of protection and sound money is bound Up with the prosperity of the family, and they feel a great interest in the Re­ publican ^presidential candidate because of the nobility of his character and his devotion to his home -life. O'I'tr i% W«r1k.&8 (tnlt pirQiwitt ftv-.lt be worth-/.3 9 cent* ftcrQwnc* _ Fro Jit --6/ Cents Farmers;* wS««f.8tll- » Wk« gets fcat air The Woman's bureau is under the di­ rection of Mrsi J. Ellen Foster, the well- ;known orator and political writer of Des Moines. Ia„ for several years president of the Woma n's National Republican as­ sociation. The bureau is established .in commodious quarters in the Auditorium Annex, Chicago, quite away from the noise and activities of the national com­ mittee, Where Mrs. Foster is provided with every convenience, and assisted by capable aids. The Woman's Republican association is composed of thinking; active women--• women intensely aliv V to the i beat inter­ ests of their country and homes. This Woman's association is not a suffrage association. Many of its members do not believe in suffrage at all. It is not a moral reform association, although many of its members are engaged in the philanthropies and reforms which illu­ mine this decade of our national history. They do not seek to utilize the Repub­ lican association to advance any of these reforms. Its members are simply, and all the time. Republicans, laboring for the support of the principles of that party and for the election of its candi­ dates. Political Notes and Observations from the Popocrat Candi- ~ „ date's Own City. HIS PLATFORM ANALYZED. A Constant Appeal to Class Preju­ dice in the Interest of Sil­ ver Mine Owners. " ' Business men are studying the money question. Mr. Bryan has seen fit to tell his audiences over and over again that the business "men of the country are against free silver .partly because they don't know anything' about the question and ' partly because they arc! .dishonest. In this 'Mr. Bryan misleads his follow­ ers and misrepresents, the business men. It may be true that what is called free silver • agitation started first among the farmers rather than among the business men. but later .the business* men have read the free-silver literature, have read both side,s of the question, until at the present time the business men of the nations-are thoroughly informed from a, business standpoint and from a nonpar­ tisan standpoint on the money question. It is probably true that the politicians that oppose silver are moved by prejudice and self-interest to a certain degree 311st as the politicians who favor free silver are moved by self-interest to a certain degree; but the business men, the men who are managing the business concerns of the country, the bankers, and the financiers have made it a part of their business to read up on ,the money ques­ tion, to become thoroughly informed, and they have passed upon the question from a. business and not^from a political stand­ point. Mr. Bryan, recognizing the mor­ al force of the business judgment of the country and knowing that this business judgment condemns free coinage as a dangerous thing, seeks to discredit the business mind of the country by denounc­ ing it as ignorant and dishonest on the money question. Mr. Bryan professes to desire a restoration of the industries of this country. At the same time he denounces the "business men of the coun­ try and proposes a plan which he knows they are afraid of. The threat of free trade in the cam­ paign of '92 and in the election of '92, frightened the business mind of the coun­ try, first into distrust and doubt and then into a panic, the effect of which is still on. The question above all others at this time is how Jo. remove this business depression from the business mind. Mr. Bryan says that..free coinage will revive the industries, but at Jthe same time he admits that the business mind is against it and is afraid of it. The effect of this threat of free coinage is to make every capitalist hide his money, to make every banker afraid of investments, to make every dollar creep into the darkest corner of the safety vault, and by this process of money hiding and money hoarding which is now going on all over the United States, the circulating money of the country is disappearing from active use faster than all the government mints could coin new money if they were now under a free coinage law. speech in front of the Hotel Lincoln, someone asked, "What about Mr. Sew- all ?" Donnelly replied, "I know noth­ ing of Mr. Bewail and I don't want any­ thing to do with him. If I had my way he would come off of that ticket in twenty-four hours." Mr. Donnelly then went into a bitter tirade against all bankers and business men in general, and the laboring men who heard him •ipplauded his utterances. Now it must have occurred to the more thoughtful of these laboring men that every day's work and every dollar paid to labor must first he thought out and planned by some business mind. Before labor can begin la any industry there must be some thought force and some business judg­ ment which passes upon tlie plans of that industry and believes that it will •succeed. T liter 6 must be financiers, bankers and capitalists to consent and their consent must be based upon the faith that the industry will succeed. If Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were capi­ talists und business men, then they themselves might promise employment to labor. Or. if the plans, proposed by Mr. . Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were. re-' oeiving the endorsement of the business judgment of othf'Vs who. have capital, then it might seem reasonable that free coinage' might revive industry and bring better times. Laboring men are crowding around Mr. Bryan to hear his speeches and many of them appear to be pleased with what he saysl He talks kindly to the laboring man and his words are as sweet as honey* But the thinking labor­ ing man knows that, so long as industry, that is, the mind force which is man­ aging industry, is afraid of free coinage, that all plans for the enlargement of in­ dustry or the employment of labor are suspended, pending the discussion of the money question, and that these plans will be taken up and carried into execu­ tion only when the business mind of the country is assured by the election of McKinley that there is to be a sound business policy in the government of this nation. George Groot, chairman of the Nation­ al Silver party, speaking at Lincoln, Neb., on September 8, from the steps of the state capitol building, with Mr. Bryan sitting near him, denounced the bankers as the enemies of society, and declared that the financiers of Wall street should be hung to the telegraph poles. On the evening of September 7, in front of the Hotel Lincoln, in Lin­ coln, Neb., Ignatius Donnelly of Min­ nesota denounced the bankers and the financiers of this country as the enemies of the peop.'j, enemies of prosperity, and declared that their influence upon this country ought to be set aside. Now, what do the followers of Mrt Bryan ex­ pect to happen to the laboring men and to the farmers of this country, when they, by reason of their superior num­ ber, have voted out the banker and the business man and have voted in this new system of finance? What force will take the place of this business mind force when it has been displaced? When tlm country has struck down its present bankers; its present financiers, its present business men, its present managers of 'industries and commerce, when the common people by a majority vote have paralyzed this business power, what other force will take its place and form plans for . the employment of labor, for the carrying on. of commerce and for the management of all the indus­ trial forces which give vitality to the material body of the. nation? On the afternoon of September 8 in front of the state capitol building at Lineoln, Mr. Bryam after denouncing the business element of the country be­ cause it is against him in this contest, Congratulated himself that the laboring men of the country believed in him and that enough of the, farmers believed in him that these two. elements united in this election would enable him to sweep the country in November. This he char­ acterizes, a victory of the people, because it will bring them better times. It may be tery pleasing tp. Mr. Bryan when he looks out into therTaces of laboring men and farmers wholapplaud such speeches as this, but what reason have these la­ boring men and farmers to expect bet­ ter times through the election of Mr. Bryan, when he: himself admits that the business men of." this nation regard his election as a. menace to business and prosperity-? Cftn you revive business by doing that which"paralyzes the hope and courage of business men? When, the industries Of the" nation revive, there must bo some mind force in the country, to bring it about. There must also be capitalists who believe, in the future and who are ready to.in vest money. There must be hanks and these banks must not only have funds,- but"they must be will­ ing to invest these funds, and they must believe and have- confidence before they can consent. Mr. Bryan admits that they are not consenting now; will they consent after election? I When Ignatious Donnelly was de­ nouncing the bankers, and the financiers as the enemies of their country, in his Mr. Bryan and his corps of free silver orators constantly denounce idle capital. Mr. Bryan'knows that idle capital is al­ ways the result of lack of confidence. He also knows that idle capital makes idle men. If one set of men have the capital and another- set of men who are workers stand ready to be employed by this capital, then there must be a condition of harmony between the people who. own the capital and the men who stand ready to go to work or there will be no work. If a plan is proposed which makes capital afraid, and if the workers stand ready by their votes and their ma­ jorities to carry out this plan, then it is but natural that the men who control the capital, being afraid of his new plan, will hoard their capital and keep it idle rather than risk it under conditions which they believe will be disastrous. Does it then avail anything to the labor­ ing man that this capital is denounced as the enemy of the country? Edison was once a laboring man, but is now a cap­ italist. When lie was a laboring man his opinions and his plans were in a certain degree dependent upon the plans and the opinions of some one else. When Edi­ son was a laborer, employed in con­ structing machines, whether he was em­ ployed or not depended upon his em­ ployer. If the employer found by experi­ ence that the mk in which he was en- faged was unprofitable to him. then Mr. Idison lost his job. Now, Mr. Edison, having evolved by his own exertions out of a condition where he was a worker with his hands only, into a condition where he has become a great mind force which controls industry, is vastly more important to labor than he was before. Then he could consent to the employment of only one man, himself. Now lie can consent to the employment of thousands of men, and whether they are employed or not depends more upon his judgment than upon their own. The industries of the world, no matter who is employed in them, have always been and always will be under the control and direction of mind. Majorities have nothing to do with it except as the majorities are in harmony with this mind force and have the approval of its judgment. Whether 500 or 5000 men are employed at the Burlington machines shops at Lin­ coln, Nebraska, during the next four years, depends not upon the political judgment of the men who are employed in these machine shops, but upon the business judgment of those who must fur­ nish money to pay for this labor. And this business judgment, looking always to the financial policy of the government for signs of business safety or of business danger, is inspired with confidence or is inspired with fear as it interprets tlie business prosperity of the future by the political conditions of the future. If this business mind sees in the election of Bryan and cheap money signs of future stagnation and depression, then it is but natural that it should keep the number of men employed to the very least possible limit. People who ride in the Burlington trains along by the town of Havelock near Lincoln where these machine shops are located, can see the signs of business depression and can interpret the doubt that is in the mind of the directors of the road, when they see the side tracks lined with broken engines which the small force of men employed are not able to repair. If the laboring people of the East were at work today there would be a market in these great centers of industry in the East for Nebraska's food product, and then these great railroad systems would require every engine and every car which they own to be in repair and all the wheels would be kept rolling night and day carrying the great crops of Kan­ sas. Nebraska and Iowa to the food-con­ suming East. This condition would em­ ploy labor and give value to farm prod­ ucts. The whole theory of Western suc­ cess depends upon the activity of Eastern industry and the activity of Eastern in­ dustry depends upon the faith and confi­ dence of the Eastern business mind. A hired man cannot be employed upon a larm without the consent of the own­ er of the farm. A carpenter cannot get employment without the consent of the builder who ,s engaged in building houses, and the builder cannot get the house to build without the consent of the men who haie the money to build houses. In all lines of industry the man who works with his hands is dependent upon the 'nw.^.V0 • wo"}v"s "'jth, his mind and in .ill countries the mind workers are th«. controllers of industry. When the mind J Hfrs a,' those who have the making of the plans for industry have confi­ dence that industry will be profitable ° 18 employment. William Jennings Bryan and his plat­ form is a menace to industry and Mr. Bryan knows it. The conviction is fast- ciiod (Jeop upon him and the leaders of his cause, that the thing which thev are trying to accomplish is against the busi­ ness judgment of the American people. They are condemned by the mind work- ers.of the nation, and because they realize this, they constantly appeal to class prejudice, hoping that there are laborers and farmers who hate the busi­ ness men and the employers of labor, that when all these haters are organized into one great army there will be enough of them to carry this election for Mr, Bryan and for the mine owners of Colo­ rado, in whose interest his candidacy ex­ ists. Silver Dollars Arc Legal Tender.* Many of the "plain people" of the United States have wondered what is meant, when it is said that Congress in 1873 struck down one-half the nionev in the country. The figure is forcible but somewhat obscure. The Denver News comes to the rescue. It says: "By the legislation of 1873 the mints were not only closed to silver but the silver money of the country was demonetized; it was deprived of its legal tender quali­ ty. Thus the silver money of the coun­ try was struck down." The News is in error. Section 67 of the act of 1873 contained a proviso that "this act shall not be construed to affect any act done, right accrued, or penalty incurred, under former acts, but every such right is saved." This language preserved the legal tender quality of the silver dollar, since the right to pay one's debts in silver dollars was one of the rights accrued under former acts, which nothing contained in the act was permit­ ted to destroy. --Chicago Tribune, August 26. As he comes upon the stage and as the applause breaks forth he smiles. It is a pleased smile--properly speaking, a grin. The grin of one to whom the yells of "Hurray fur Bill" and the ap­ plause of a gallery is food and drink and raiment. Applause, of what kind it does not matter, is what the . na­ ture of the man thrives upon. The rec­ ognition of him as a great man, a hero, a deliverer cannot but make him smile* He appreciates the joke. He composes his features as he re­ members what is expected of him. His attitude at once suggests the hero of the melodrama--the "tank show." He looks this way, then that, and then to­ ward the part of his audience frpm which comes the most hilarious demon­ stration. He grins again, as he thinks of his side of it. If the noise continues, he turns to those about him and smiles naively. But he is not afraid of it. The eyes glow and gratification shows in every movement, glance and action. He is introduced and stands erect and again grins. It is not the pleasing, dig­ nified acknowledgment in keeping with the honor to which the man aspiresj but the smile of the magician to the audience that cheers because it is mystified. He raises ,a restraining hand to hush the demonstration. The movement is grace­ ful, nothing more. Like every gesture he makes, it lacks strength. The hands are weak, hopelessly so. If the applause continues, he waits, posing as if for the camera. He is patient. A dignified statesman's very presence would com­ mand silence after the first burst of ap­ plause. It would not be necessary for the great man to wait until every un­ couth wit had made his joke, but this man lacks the dignity of the position. He plays for the gallery, and the gallery whistles, stamps and claims him for its very own. He begins his address with a well- turned sentence, which he knows will please his audience. In fact, from first to last, it is his effort by skillful re­ treats never to offend. He is capable of a fair flight in words, but at no time is lie an orator. At no time does he bring a known fact to the notice of his hear­ ers; then an argument, then one condi­ tion, and still another, and then, as a climax, as one indisputable, unanswera­ ble declaration, rounded and full, guard­ ed and protected by logic, launch it forth at his listeners. His flight of words- alleged to be oratory--are made to divert the mind from questioning his asser­ tions. He soars in an outburst, the ground work of which is as old as, the human voice, to please the ear of his listeners and keep their thoughts on the wing. These flights appeal to all that is emotional. They are seldom original; they express no new thoughts, and they bear his trade mark. He makes asser­ tions while the audience is under the in­ fluence of his heroics. He pours forth what he thinks, and declares it to be true, but when the time arrives in the course of his remarks when the facts to bnck his assertions should be heard, behold another flight in Fourth of July fireworks. Labor applauds itself, and this man knows it. He recognizes that "sacrifice," "crucified," "down-trodden," "the peo­ ple," "sweat of the face." and similar words and phrases arouse in the ordinary audience an imperative desire to applaud. For logic he uses heroics, for argument words used by truly great men, but which no more apply to his subjest than to the crucifixion. He conipares himself to the Man of Gallice without a blush. He difies facts as Ajax did the light­ ning. He declares that something can be got out of nothing; that a miner will be able to get 53 cents' worth of metal coined in­ to $1 and in the same breath insists that the miner will sell that metal to anyone who will buy it for 53 cents and give the buyer the. chance to make that profit instead^of himself. Why the miner will sell at 53 cents and lose the coined profit, he explains by a highly colored account of a "crime" which has nailed "labor to a cross of gold." He refuses to believe that captital is of any use except to starve and grind down mankind. Insinuations, that every man should have more than enough in spite of his hibits, his drunkenness or his improvi­ dence, he lavishes upon his hearers. Declarations, that a country is all wrong which gives every man who will work with head and hands a chance to be above those who will not, he belches forth in torrents. "My friends," he says, and advises those to whom he applies the term as a sane man would hesitate to advise his worst enemy. He distributes chaff, coolly predicts a panic, quotes the words of Christ as glibly as the rowdy uses his name, and having directed the eyes of his hearers upon a bubble which floats pleasingly about, he say3: "I tliank you." Paul Armstrong. In all parts of the country women have organized campaign committees, working under the direction of the Woman's bu­ reau of the national Republican commit­ tee. They distribute literature and use their personal influence with bushands, brothers and other relatives to sfecttre their votes for the good cause; paying especial attention, to first voters; A Effects of Industrial Depression in Cities Brought Home in a Practical Way. STORY OF A KANSAS FARMER. Decrease in the Consumption of Food by Laborers Affects the Sale of Farm Products. A stock-feeder of Kansas, recently in Kansas City, tells a story that is worth repeating for the excellent lesson which it teaches. In a certain town was a creamery. It gathered the cream from the farms within a radius of ten miles and manufactured about 400 pounds of butter per day. Beyond the limits of this circle from which cream was gath­ ered .there were a number of farmers who desired to sell cream, but were not able to do so because the wagons from the creamery did not reach their farms. One day a delegation of these farmers called at the office of the creamery to consult the manager with reference to the enlargement of its business so as to include them and their neighbors. They explained to the manager that by send ing his teams a few miles farther in all directions he would double the quan­ tity of cream gathered, double the amount of butter produced and consequently double the profits of the creamery. The farmers were disappointed when they snw by the look on the manager's face that their proposition was not favorably received. There had been a great deal of gossip among the farmer patrons of the creamery that the price paid for cream was too low-and that the profits of the concern were larger than they ought to be, and now these farmers could not understand why a business which was making exorbitant profits should not be willing to enlarge itself, to double its output and consequently to double its profits. The manager explained that to enlarge the circle of their farmer patrons would require an additional number of men and teams to gather the cream, would require additional machinery and an en­ larged plant with more buttermakers and other operatives, all of which meant an additional investment of money in which he did not feel justified at this time. He explained that the price of butter was low, that thousands of laboring men in the cities being out of employment were not eating butter, but were buying oleomargarine and other cheap imita­ tions of butter, and because of all theSe discouraging circumstances he was unable to consider a proposition to enlarge the business of the creamery. The manager went on to explain that a creamery in Kansas, Nebraska or Iowa depended upon the big cities for its customers. In small towns many of the people keep cows of their own. but in the big cities such as Denver, Kansas City, Omaha, St. Louis, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Chicago, where thousands of laboring men are gathered, the farmers find their best customers not only for dairy products but all the other food products of the farm. The families of these la­ boring men are extravagant eaters and extravagant buyers of farm products when they have the money to buy with. When the laboring men in these cities are employed they consume vast quanti­ ties of butter, eggs, flour, meal, beef and poultry. The thousands of creameries in Kansas, Iowa and Nebraska had more orders for their product than they could supply before the Democratic panic stooped the industries in the cities and threw the laboring men out of work. In the last two years the demand for food products have been less and less, showing that the families of the laboring men in the cities are growing more and more economical in their consumption of food. In a long conversation with the manager of the creamery, these farmers gathered the idea, as they had never .understood it before, that the food-pro­ ducing farm is dependent upon the food- consuming city for its market and that the price of food and the demand for it depends upon the employment at good wages ef the laboring people of the cities. This much the farmers had al­ ready understood in a general way, but they had never stopped to realize the far more important truth, that the manage­ ment of "these great laboring employing industries devolves entirely upon the trained business minds of the heads of these industries whom the Popocratic or­ ators now denounce as plutocrats, and enemies of the common people. It is very fine sport for eloquent olfict^seek- ing politicians to denounce the men who manage the labor industries, to call them "plutocrats," "goldbugs," "robbers" "op­ pressors" and other offensive names, but after all these eloquent speeches have been delivered and after all tnTs mis. chierous " talk has had its effect upon the farmer mind, the truth, the great truth, still remains that the mind of the business man must origin­ ate all the plans for the employment of idle labor, and whether these industries are little by little enlarged each year, em­ ploying more and more men, or whether they are little by little narrowed each year, employing less and less men, de­ pends, not upon the judgment or the po­ litical views of the men employed, but upon the judgment of the men who em­ ploy. When the farmers in the country and the laborers in the city suffer them­ selves to be led into some great national movement which the business mind be­ lieves is dangerous, then this business mind, in order to protect the interests over which it presides, begins the process of narrowing its operations to suit the new conditions. A farmer may believe in free Coinage and a laboring man may believe in free coinage, but if the business mind of the country on which both the farmer and the laboring man is dependent is afraid of free coinage, then the threat of free coinage, instead of breathing new life in­ to industry, strikes it with the paralysis of death. * Every earnest thinking man in this country at this time, whether he be a farmer or a laborer, above all things, above all party or personal preferences, desires to see the industries of the nation revived, because labor can find employ-" ment and farm produce find a market in no other way. When all the arguments have been ex­ hausted on both sides, the whole ques­ tion narrows into this proposition, that activity in industry is dependent upon the confidence the business men have in the financial and tariff policy of tlie na­ tional government. Farmers may have confidence in some untried and catchy proposition, and the laboring man may have confidence and even be enthusias­ tic, but if the mind of the business man hesitates then industry languishes. A thousand laboring men may stand ready to go to work in a factory. And the farmers may stand ready to provide these laboring men with food, but if the managers of the factory are afraid to start it, then it will not start. It may appear to these thousand laborers and to these farmers that the managers of the factory are unreasonable, and that they have more power in the nation than they ought to have, but the truth will remain forever, that mind, and not ma­ jorities, is the controlling force upon which the industry of the nation depends and that the judgment of one trained business mind is worth more to a com­ munity than the judgment of many men who work with their muscles on the farm and in the factory. JONES' SILVER MINE. The present interest in anvthing relat­ ing to silver recalls James Russell Low­ ell's witty rhymes of twenty years aw A DIALOGUE. "Jones owns a silver mine"--'Trav who is Jones? Don't vex my ears with horrors like Jones owns! "Why, Jones Is Senator, and so he strives To make us buy his ingots all our lives At a stiff premium on the market price, A silver currency would be so nice'" ' What Is Jones' plan?"--"A coinage,^to be sure, To rise and fall with Wall street's tem­ perature. You wish to treat the crowd; your dollar shrinks Undreamed pereentums while they mix the drinks/' "Jones' mine's quicksilver, then?"--"Your wit won't pass; His coin's mercurial,^but. his mine Is brass." Jones owns --"Again! your iteration's w orse Than the slow torture of an echo-verse, III tell you one thing Jones won't own-- that Is, That the cat hid beneath the meal is his," •--Cleveland World. Ho is Mistaken. In his speech at Springfield, O., on Wednesday, Candidate Bryan spoke of the nation s peasantry." There are no peasants in this country, and the man who attempts to make such a class­ ification is unworthy the support of the free American sovereigns. Every man is a prince and no man is a peas­ ant. With~the ballot in his hand; the voter ranks with Vanderbilt. The rich man of today may be the poor man to­ morrow, and he who is uot endowed with wealth at this moment may be a millionaire before the close of a dec- a.de* ^his, arraying of the people of the United States into classes is the most pernicious thing that has ever been attempted in this country, and the demagogues who are engaged in the un­ righteous attempt deserve the contempt into which they are sure to fall. Remember This. - When Bourkb Cockran, in his recent great speech in New York, littered the following sentence, he uttered a sentence which should be posted over the door of every honest laboring man, whether Re­ publican or Democrat, in this country; "I can tak^.a $10 gold piece and defy all the power of all the governments of'this earth to take 5 cents' value from it. I can go to the uttermost ends of the earth, and wherever I present it, its value will be unquestioned, unchallenged. That gold dollar the honest masses of this country, without distinction of party divisions, demand shall be paid the la­ borer when he earns it, and no power on earth shall cheat him out of the sweat of his brow."--Galesburg Evening Mail. Mrs. Foster's immediate associates and assistants in the work are women of capabilities in various lines. Mrs. Thomas W. Chace, the general secre­ tary, resides in East Greenwich, R. I., and from there exercises a watchful care for the work in the New Englapd states. Mrs. Chace has an extensive ac­ quaintance and is identified with many great charities, philanthropies and soci­ eties, aside from her political duties. The national treasurer. Miss Helen "War­ wick Boswell of New York city, has mi- pervision over the headquarters of her state, located at 1473 Broadway. Miss Boswell has inaugurated the plan of per­ sonal visits among the women in the tenement districts of New York, for the purpose of showing the women the mean­ ing of the free coinage of silver and how it will affect the purchasing power of their dollars. She finds these wome with well-defined views on the currenc question and ready to defend them, they do in insisting that the voters their families shall maintain them the polls. Miss Boswell has enlisted., large number of young business woj to help spread the doctrines of so money and protection and to help sec^ votes for the Republican candidates. In the Chicago headquarters Mrs. Fo tor's chief assistant and secretary is^*v-0 Alice Rosseter Willard, who has ^ experience in general business, and nl paper work in this country and in E land. Next to her comes Miss . AT Brophy of Dubuque, la. Miss BropS is not only valuable for her educatid and wide general knowledge, but becaul every piece of work which pass.! through her hands receives her criticf attention as to its correctness, its jq curacy. Miss Brophy is chief stenc rapher. Almost the first thing done by Mi Foster after opening her headquartei was to issue an appeal to the patriot women of the country, urging them t(3 organize committees or clubs for study of tlie issues of the campaign, and to help promote the cause of national unity and protection. The responses have been most gratifying, coming as they have from Oregon to New Jersey. These women are directed in their work of or­ ganizing and advised how to make their efforts effective. The weapons of the women are personal appeal and litera­ ture. These are used to convince the women that their own personal welfare, including the interests of children and of the home, are on the side of the Repub­ lican -party. This conviction assured little doubt remains as to how the vote influenced by these women will be cast. Free Wool and Free Silver. During the many weary months after, the Wilson-Gorman tariff had given the death blow to the wool industry free. trade journals assured their readers that1 the blow would not be fatal. In time the industry would revive. Considerable pru­ dence was manifested as to dates, but the prediction was confident that in the course of time the industry would re­ cover from its paralysis. The Philadel­ phia Record was one of the most san­ guine of these free traders. That journal simply knew that its theories could not be wrong. Free wool must and would enable our manufacturers to recover the home market for woolen goods and grad­ ually get a good- hold on the markets of the world. In a recent issue the Rec­ ord threw up the sponge. It admits that free wool is not strong enough to carry free silver. The confidence with which it attributes the failure of its free wool theory to some other person's free silver theory would, if transferred to the money market, revive business even in these free trade times. Says the Record: " "The distrust engendered by the sil­ ver craze has checked sales of manu­ factured goods, increased the percent­ age 6f idle mills and so narrowed the outlet and crippled the financial re­ sources of Eastern distributors of wool that the latter have practically ceased purchases of tlie staple in the country markets, and in many cases have re­ fused to make even reduced cash ad­ vances on consignments." The silver craze did not materialize until free wool had had nearly thiee years in which to show what it could do. During all that time the wool in­ dustry went from bad to worse. Now the people are asked to believe that free silver did all the mischief.--St. Jo­ seph (Mo.) Herald. Give it to the Indians. "Let us restore the conditions that ex­ isted prior to 1873," says Mr. Teller; Very well; let us tear up all the rail­ roads that have been built since then; let us reduce the acreage of , wheat tfnd corn and cotton to what it was then; let us send back to barbarism those parts of the world that have since been reclaimed to civilization; let us plug up the Rus­ sian oil wells and destroy the wheat fields of India and the Argentine: let us smooth over the hUls of Leadville and Criprde Creek, and fill up the mines, and reduce the production of silver from $170,000,000 a year to $80,000,000; let us kill Off about 30.000,000 of our people, so as to make the population what it was in 1-873; let us have a paper basis for our money, as we had then, and gold at. a premium of 15 cents or more on the dol­ lar--in short, let us try to turn back the hand on time's dial, and make everybody as happy and wealthy as nil the people are now alleged to have been 1873.--C.olprado Springs Gazette. 1 FIVE.

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