. \ * • • : f " ; : v • • I^h.v ,V.<( i> .M ./• '* ,f ... „ >. * .. -4 >A ", i Migm SUPPLEMENT TO THE McHenry Plaindealer. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1896. Whenever Danger Threatened the Country They Have Rallied to Its Support." HARD TIMES AND THE CAUSE. Employment of Labor in Mechanical Industries and Not Debased Money is Needed. Whenever danger threatened our insti tution the farmer has always rallied to the support of his country. There i? good reason in this, in the fact ..that he owns the broad acres of our. territory and is so identified with our institutions that protect him in. this ownership that his in terest is necessarily of a character to make him the safe conservator of our government's perpetuity, prosperity and honor. In the present campaign we are con fronted by an issue that affects every class of our citizens, hence, there is an Interest in the outcome more intense than in any campaign since 1860. One reason for the manifestation for so much inter est is the fact that the country has been suffering from an unprecedented period of depression and is earnest in its intent to secure relief. Among those who la bor none have more reason for com plaint than the farmer. Prices of his products have been low. values of land and stock have continued to decline, tin til discouraged and disheartened, demagogues seem to believe him ready to accept any promise that they make, but the fact is. and better still, he is_ ready to review and discuss fully the merits of the propositions offered. The proposition that has been urged paramount to all others, is the free and unlimited coinage of silver. , ' . There never was a more deceptive proposition, one more startling in its effects and results and one that would be more disappointing should it become a practical fact. It is advocated by men having a pecuniary interest at stake, backed by a combination of capital un- equaled by any that has ever attempted to -control' our government since the day of the slave power. The silver mine owners of the United States, skilled in. political maneuvering. ̂ have organized themselves into a syndicate for the pur pose of forcing upon the country, with- out regard to conscqucnces, tliG free and unlimited coinage of silver class to become farmers or producers of farm products. ^ The year 1892 shows a/record of mar velous activity in the direction of secur ing a larger division of labor by em ploying more in our mechanical indus tries. Our shops were filling, up, new enterprises were started, labor was ° in demand at good prices in mechanical in dustries, reciprocity "was enlarging and extending our markets and we seemed in every way to be realizing for the American farmer and artisan the full value of that law of political economy and creating wealth by "division of la bor." In 1892 the policy of protection was re versed and thus the laborers from the shops and factories were forced, from sheer necessity to go out upon the lands and become producers instead of consum ers. It has been estimated that over a million laborers have since the election of 1892 when compelled to seek employ ment in farming in order to obtain sub sistence for themselves and families;, many of these have converted parcels of ground neat and around their liomfcs into corn and potato patches, thereby enormously decreasing the demand for the products of the regular farm. It is easy to understand when the- full effect of this shifting of labor from the mechan ical industries to the farm is considered, what the effect must be upon prices of farm products.. In view of these facts,, all of which can be verified in the past .'history of o,ur country, it is plain that our farmers are directly interested in the employment of -labor and that their prosperity depends largely upon whether that labor is em ployed. as .competitors in the production of farm products, or as consumers em ployed in the mechanical industries of the country. We are certainly .learning from "a severe practical experience the truth and value of the economic principle already referred to that "the greatest creator of wealth is the greatest possible division of labor." We are also learning that this division of labor "may be brought about by a wise policy of protec tion.. The effect of production upon the products of the farm can be summed up in a few words. First, will it increase or diminish the number engaged in pro ducing the products of the farm? Sec ond, will it increase or diminish the num ber of consumers of farm products? When you have answered these two plain propositions you will be master of the entire argument of protection and free trade, so far as the farmer is con cerned. You need be concerned in no way about the free coinage of silver as this cannot in any way possible in crease or diminish the consumption of your products. Its adoption, however, would have the effect, as Mr. Bryan admits; of producing a panic and con tinued. depression in our mechanical in dustries; "forcing more labor to the farm and thereby add to the number already producing farm products. The employment of labor in our me chanical industries and not the free coinage of silver is the thing that impr ests the farmer and is to secure for him the prosperity he so much desires.--H. A. Willard, Chattanooga, Tenn. The magnificent scheme was outlined by Mr. Bryan in his Madison square epeech when he said: At the present time and under.the present law, a silver dollar when melted loses nearly one-half its value, but that will not be true when we can establish a mint price of silver and leave no surplus silver upon the market to drag down the price of sil ver bullion," and then to show the pos sibility of cornering silver and f.orein it to a price satisfactory to mine owners "we cannot even expect all of the an nual product of silver because India, China, Japan, Mexico and other silver- using countries must satisfy their annual need from the annual product: the arts will require a large amount and the gold standard countries will need a consider able quantity for subsidiary coinage: we will be required to coin only that which is not needed elsewhere, but if we stand ready to take and utilize all of it, other nations will be ready to buy at the price we fix." This is the silver miners scheme as outlined bv Mr. Bryan. The people are invited to loan the resources of this gov ernment to a silver syndicate in order that it may be able by taking all the silver that* is offered to the world to fix the price and compel other nations to pay that price. This is worse_ than free and unlimited coinage, yet it is the only way Mr. Bryan says whereby the price of silver can be maintained at parity with gold. The magnitude of the scheme and their audacity in attempt ing its execution challenges admiration, but the American people are accustomed to investigate the claims of parties and men. They want to know.for themselves the why and wherefores, if some great radical change is proposed. That t/iey will thus investigate and judge for them selves is evidence that they are quali fied for self-government. That present conditions are hard, es pecially among the farming class. cvftry one admits. There is undoubtedly cause for this abnormal condition. The silver advocates attribute the existing depression to the demonetization .-»f sil ver, "the crime of 1873" as they d^ig- nate the suspension of coinage of snver dollars in 1S73. They fail to show how that legislation reduced prices: they simply assert that it did. They fail also to show why prices continued to decline after coinage of sil ver was resumed in 1S78. They ignore all the facts of development, the large and unprecendented production of farm products and especially the unprofitable division of labor. The building of new railroads and the opening of vast terri tories for cultivation are entirely ignored. During the years 1878-79 and 80 it is known that over 600,000 mechanics left the factories and shops of New England and'the middle and older Western states to locate on the lands in Kansas and Ne braska and the Dakotas. These all be came active producers instead of consum ers of farm products. What we now need is to reverse this condition of affairs and secure less pro ducers and more consumers of farm pro ducts. If by any way we can do. this, we •will have accomplished something prac tical in correcting the ills our farmers have to bear. There is a method by which this may be accomplished, a reme dy that it not only practical but- per manent and far reaching in its effects. There is a well established principle in political economy often referred to by •writers that "the greatest creator of •wealth is the greatest possible division of labor." Previous to the election of 1892 under the operation of the Republican policy of protection, we were struggling to realize our benefits of this principle and we were rapidly overcoming our adverse conditions by increasing the demand for farm products. The interest which the movement of labor has in protective du ties lies in the effect which the movement of labor has upon the supply and demand of agricultural products. It is impossible to maintain a proper division of labor, except we produce the largest amount of manufactured goods possible within our own territory. Open our ports free and allow our markets to be supplied by the manufacturers of Europe and the effect ~"»uld be to compel our wage earning M MONEY IS TOO GOOD. Maj. McKlnley Recalls the Days of State Banks and Wildcat Currency. Maj. McKinley said to a delegation from Indiana which visited his homc,_on September 23: I believe in America for Americans- native-born and naturalized. '(Applause.) I believe in the American pay roll. (Laughter and applause.) And I do not believe in diminishing that pay roll by giving work to anybody else under an other flag while we have an idle man under our flag. (Tremendous applause.) Four years ago the laborer was agitat ing the question of shorter hours. We then had so much to do. I have heard no discussion of that kind for four years. (Laughter and applause.) But I have never heard of the laboring man dis cussing the desirability of having short dollars. The complaint--the chief cause of complaint of our opponents is first, that we have not enough money; and, second, that our money is too good. (Laughter.) To the first complaint I answer that the per capita of circulating medium in this country has been greater since the so-called crime of 1873 than it ever was before (applause), and that it has been greater in the last five years than it ever was in all our history. (Cries of "That's right.") We have not only the best money in the world, but we have more of it per capita than most of the nations of the world. (Applause.) We have more money per capita than the United Kingdom per capita; than Ger many, than Italy, than Switzerland, Greece, Spain, Roumania, Servia, Aus tria, Hungary, Norway, Sweden, Den mark, Russia, Mexico and the Central and South American states, and more than Japan or China. (Great applause.) So that some reason rather than the lack of volume of money must be found to account for the present condition of the country. To the second complaint that our money is too good, it would seem to be enough to say that the money of any country cannot be too good; and that .no nation ever suffers from having its "nioifiuin of exchange of the highest and best quality. (Great applause.) It has been poor money--not good money--that has been the cause of so much loss and ruin in the past, both to individuals and to nations. (Applause.) The older men of this audience will remember that be fore the war we did business with an un certain and fluctuating currency known „ts state bank money. Many of these banks and their notes were absolutely sound; but for the most part they were subject to a discount. The total num ber of banks in 1860. exclusive of state bank branches, was 1570. Of this number, the • "counterfeit detector," then in constant use, reported 832 as "broken, closed. failed, fraudulent and worthless." The notes of these banks were in circulation among the people and had been received by them for their good labor and their good products. They were absolutely worthless and of no more value than the paper upon which they were printed. Up on'whom, did this loss fall, my citizens? There is scarcely an old gentleman in this audience who will -not recall that it fell upon the. laboring man and the farmers of the United States. (Cries of "That's right.") I allude to this only to show that those who suffer most from poor money are the least able to bear the loss. It is the history of mankind that the least valuable money which will pass current is the money that at last finds its resting place among the poor people and when the crash comes, the loss must be borne by them. And I doubt if there is a man in this audienee who has not among the belongings of his family or the family of his father some of the old bank paper as a reminder of what they lost. (A voice: "I have $10 at home myself.")' I cannot imagine any interest that can be per manently subserved by having poor mon ey. The bare suggestion of such a propo sition to a man of reason meets its in stant rejection. «cm* Socialist--The reason I'm a Bryan man Is because I want to cut down the wealth of these plutocrats. Worklngman--Yes. I've thought a bit about that, but it strikes me a good deal like biting off one's nose to spite one's face. Socialist--How's that? Workingmau--Well. I'll tell you. Just suppose, for Instance, that a man whose Income Is $10,000 a year has its purchasing power cut down to $5000 by free silver; he can worry along very nicely, can't lie? But how about the fellows whose incomes amount to only $600, or even $300? If free sliver cuts the purchasing power down to $300, or $150, it will, squeeze them pretty hard, won't it? - --St. Paul Pioneer Press. Free Silver Issue of Vital Import to Wives and Mothers of Wage-Earners. HIGH PRICES AND LOW WAGES. Working Women will Also be Far WTjree Gff-Than the Men. If the New York World wants to bring either of the current Democratic parties into a tariff fight the Republican party is ready. The Democrats will be defeated all the more emphatically. A tariff^for revenue only, which both Dem ocrat- parties demand, this country will not have.--Minneapolis Journal While the value of the wages earned by everyone who works for a living will be greatly reduced by the free coinage of silver, the working women will be far worse off in this respect than the men. Their wages will not probably be re duced iu a greater ratio than the wages of the men, but they will stand a poorer chance of securing an advance to meet the increased cost of living. They will have to submit to the hardship of high prices and low wages with less hope of remedying their condition. One principal ciiuse of this disnuvant- age is that the women employed in pro ductive industries have not the organized unions with which to sustain their inter ests. The great advance in the wages of labor, especially of skilled labor, which has been made during the past twenty years, is due in large measure to the intelligent organization of the work- ingmen. It is an error to regard the labor unions as the machinery for; pro ducing strikes and boycotts. Properly and sagaciously conducted, these organi zations are preventive of labor contro versies, for they provide the means of conference and adjustment of questions on which there is disagreement between employers and workmen; and especially when the question is that of increase of wages they have been effective in secur ing a proper recognition of what is due to labor as its share in the compensation of production. The wages of women workers have, indeed, advanced along with those of men, though not to a corresponding fig ure, and the labor unions have regard in some degree for the wages of female operatives as well; but the lack of or ganizations of their own will leave the thousands of women workers in our manufacturing industries at a marked disadvantage if their wages should be cut down in value by the free coinage of silver and the consequent depreciation of the money in which they are paid. In this respect, as always, it is the weaker that must bear the greater share of the burden; and the struggle to bring wages up to a living rate after free coin age has reduced them by perhaps one- half of their purchasing value would be long and weary for the working wom en. It is not a pleasant prospect for the thousands of women who today work for wages in our mercantile and manu facturing establishments. They are an industrious, self-supporting class, many of them contributing to the family fund from their weekly earnings and having a just pride in their own independence jjnd their ability to aid others; Any public policy which cuts off their re sources is a cruel wrong by which the whole community must suffer. I Every mother of a family has $ver be fore her the dread possibility of the death of the one whose labor provides the means of living before the day comes when the sons will be able to take up njhe burden of support and the daughters ie comfortably settled in homes of their own. Even if the children are grown up and taking care of themselves, and even if they are doing so well as to be able to give her a home after the death of the husband and father, she looks forward to the time when she will be left alone with a dread of the loss of independence^ in case the accumulations of her husband's working years have not been great enough to provide her means of subsist ence "after he is gone. So it is that the prudent man insures hiq'life for the'bene fit of his wife and his children, paying from year to year during his active life the cost of assurance that at his death his family will receive a sum of money sufficient "to avert the Bufferings of desti tution. 1 . In many cases, tne insurance policy is the only thing of value the husband and father can leave to the wife and chil dren. He may have been able to Jay by no money in the savings bank, he may die suddenly in a period of hard times and business reverses, which have strip ped him of the savings of better days, and the insurance money may thus be come the sole resource of the widow and orphans. Surely, a fund such as this ought to be sacred against robbery through depreciation of the value of the money in which it is paid. Free silver, on the basis of the present value of the two metals, would rob every widow of,, half the money value coming to her from the insurance carried by her hus band. And this would be a stupendous rob bery indeed. The five Massachusetts life insurance companies of which sta tistics are given in the commissioner's report, paid $4,637,388 in death claims last year. The grand total reported of all life insurance companies doing busi ness in this state was $66,851,477. Can the women, for whoso benefit most of this insurance money was pajd, regard with equanimity the loss of $33,000,000 in one year? There are millions of wom en dependent upon the payment of such policies. The Massachusetts companies had 122,600 policies in force last year, calling for $322,874,622 in case of death. The grand total, including all companies, was 1,743,350 policies, amounting to the enormous sum of $4,705,083,864. Right here in Masachusetts there is $287,910,- 460 at stake in this way. Ill addition to all these there are the assessment life insurance companies, with 30,320 certificates in force, repre senting $93,522,457; the fraternal bene ficiary associations, with a membership of 854,650, which paid out $19,0(53,656 for 10.009 death claims last year; the casualty companies, which paid out $300,301. All these, which are primari ly for the relief of widows and orphans, would have to pay iu depreciated money under free silver. But the money in which the premiums on these policies have been paid is money as good as gold, worth 100 cents on the dollar. In Massachusetts alone last year $10.740,807 was thus paid. Do not the women Want, and is it not their right, to receive from the insurance com panies as good money as their husbands paid for the insurance?--Boston Post. Maj. McKinley's Felicitous Re marks to a Delegation of Young Buckeyes. TRUE WORTH OF SUFFRAGE. Priceless Privilege of Be:ng Able to Vote fdT Protection and Na- CAMPAIGN NOTES. There is not so much fanaticism and foolishness in the country as was sup posed when Bryan captured the Chicago convention with his "crown of thorns" and' "cross of gold" harangue. The level-headedness of the masses is still to" be counted upon as a safeguard against Socialism and anarchy. Powderly hits the nail squarely on the head when he tells the workingman that his motto with regard to money should be. "The best is none too good for me." A man is said to have injured his ankle in a silver debate. That's what conies of letting people with comparatively lit tle strength juggle with these heavy ar guments. Mr. Powderly, who says the Bryan free-silver panic would be worse for la bor than all the strikes ever known, will come in for the abuse of the Debsites, who want strikes galore, free silver, free rum and a general break-up. A government, like an individual, must have a reputation for honesty and have good backing if it, does business with tl<e great world outside of its own lim its. Mark Hanna is firmly of the belief ihat the only effective confidence restora tive is put up at Canton. Bryan says that "the present dollar has too great purchasing power.". Ask some one who sweats through eight hours to earn one whether this is true. , Spain wants more money. She should send for Bryan. An honest dollar is the noblest work of politics. Even the Democrats of Michigan. Wisconsin and Ohio are flocking to the standard of McKinley. The same thing nfilicts Mr. Bryan, it seems, that led the parrot of story into serious trouble. He talks too much. Neither free silver nor^any other cheap- money device can bring prosperity to a nation burdened with a tariff which op erates adversely to the interests of its own people. Bryan appears to be one of those men who think they know it all. and an in telligent and observing public does not need to be informed what usually hap pens to them. To put money into circnlaflon is the need of the time, and that can be done only by a protective tariff that will re vive industry. Bryan's campaign speeches are like a minstrel show. You hear one, you hear them all. Scared capital runs faster than light ning. It is bad enough to give away our markets to other countries, without "giv ing them our mints also. tional Honor. The first visitors to Maj. McKinley's home on September 25 were members of a big delegation of voters from Wood county, O. They were headed by At torney R. S Parker of Bowling Green, who made the speech of presentation. In responding Maj. McKinley said in part: "Mr. Parker. Ladies and Gentlemen: I am very glad to meet at my home this representative delegatibn from Wood county. I cannot imagine a body of citizens more representative than that which I see before me here today--men and women, old and young, workingmen and farmers, men of every profession and calling in your county; and it indi cates to me that no matter what may be asserted in other quarters of the country there is no such thing known as 'classes' in Wood county. (Great ap plause and cries of 'That's right.') I am especially glad to make suitable recognition of the women who have hon ored me with their presence today. (Cheers.) They are a mighty factor in our progress and civilization, and they have been most potential in every crisis of American history. (Renewed cheer ing.) I am glad to know that they are interested in the party of good morals, good politics, good government and pub lic and private honesty. (Great ap plause.) "The presence of this body of young men who are to vote for the first time next November is to me an inspiring sight, and that you are so soon to enjoy the priceless privilege of citizenship must be to all of you an inspiring thought. For twenty-one years you have been en joying our free institutions, the protec tion and opportunity of our*laws, with out any political power or -responsibility. True Worth of Suffrage. "I fear sometimes that few of us esti mate suffrage at its true worth. It clothes us with sovereignty. It is a guaranty to our liberties and institutions and is our surest safety. It is the con stitutional mode of expressing the popu lar will. Through it public policies are determined and public laws enacted. Through it administrations are changed and administrations are made. Through it our whole governmental machinery is conducted. It is indeed a priceless inher itance, and should be valued as such by every young man. "With the privilege comes grave re sponsibilities in its use. It should ex press the intelligence and judgment and conscience of the voter. It should never be employed for any base use. It should be exercised with courage, wisdom and patriotism. It should never, no never, be thrown against the country, and should never represent public dishonor. (Great applause.) I recall, young men, my first v^te. With what a thrill of pride I exercised for the first time the full prerogative of citizenship. I have not realized greater pride since. I felt that I had some part in the government. The period and circumstances when I cast my first vote may have made a deeper impression upon me than it other wise would, but I recall it now after thirty-two years with sensations of joy and satisfaction. (Applause.) In the crisis of war, in the very field of con flict, my first vote was cast for Abraham Lincoln. (Groat cheering.) It is to me a priceless memory. What a glorious privilege to have been permitted to vote for a candidate for President whose serv ices to his country in the greatest peril of its life rank with the services of Washington, the father of his country. (Applause.) Priceless memory to me that I could vote" for the martyr to liberty, the emancipator of a race, and the savior of the only free government among men. (Great cheering. ) "You, gentlemen, did not have that privilege, but it having been denied you there will be some satisfaction to you to vote for the party of Lincoln, which ral lied the young men of the country around the banner of liberty, union and national honor, between I860 and 1865 (applause), and now summons you under the same glorious banner. ("Renewed applause.) . Appropriate Quotation from .Lincoln. "I cannot omit here to make a quota tion from Mr. Lincoln, written to the young men of Illinois on June 22, 1848. Mr. Lincoln said: 'Now as to the young •« men. You must not wait to be brought ! forward by the older men. You young men get together, form a "rough and rpady club*" and have regular meetings and speeches. Take in everybody you can.get. As you go along gather up all the shrewd, wild boys about town, whether just of age or a little under age. Let everyone play the part he can play best. Some speak, some sing and all . holler. (Great laughter.) Your meetings will be of evenings. The old er men and women will go to hear you and see you. It will not only contribute to the election of Old Zaeh. but it will be interesting pastime andimproving to the intellectual faculties of all en gaged. T»o: not fail to do this.' (Great appla,use.) - "I commend these homely words of Mr. Lincoln to the young men of the country. Such organizations as he ad vises will have powerful influence in the political contest which is now upon us. They will not only inspire the young men, but will cheer the hearts of the old guards of the Republican party. (Appln usey) It is seldom given to the first'voters of this country to start in so important a national contest, where/so much is involved, and where so many in terests are; at. stake. It .is a year, toot. when old party divisions count for lit tle; when men of all parties are united in the common object to save the coun try from dishonor and its currency from degradation. ' ' : "It is always safe, young gentlemen, to arrange yourself on the side of your country. (Applause.) It is always wise to stand against lawlessness and repudi ation. (Renewed applause and cries of "That's right.") It is always patriotic to stand against those who are opposed to law and order, and who would raise artificial barriers between classes or sec tions in the United States. (Great ap plause.) I congratulate you upon the glorious opportunities you have, and, ap preciating those opportunities. I am sure you will use them for the welfare of the people and the glory of the country. (Cheers.) -vfjfi' Further Reference to Mints and Mills. ^ "My fellow citizens, I ventured a few weeks ago to suggest in a public speech that I made that it would be better to open the mills than to open the mints. < (Great cheering and cries of "That's right.") I see that some of our political adversaries criticise the statement, say ing that it is 'putting the cart before the ;f horse.' They seem to think that the way *• to open the woolen mills, for example, is v ! to start®% yardstick factory. (Great I , laughter and applause.) They forget s ! that you must make cloth before you can measure it (renewed laughter) and that the weaver must be employed before the yardstick is required. (Applause.) But they say the yardstick is too long. I answer if you make a yardstick nine teen inches long instead of thirty-six inches, its present length, you will not increase the output of cloth or its value or give an additional day's labor to an American weaver. (Great applause.) Nor will a 52-eent dollar increase our in dustrial enterprises, add to the actual earnings^of anybody, or enhance the real value of anythins^l-iGt^at applansig-and- •" -Vtf-iRi. AH--H-41UIIH1 ^vl t , 11|--n-UU--- ; -- -- cries of "That's right.") It will wrong labor and wreck values, and has done so wherever it has been used. (Great ap- plause and cries of "That's right.") More cloth might -ar*f^ the Am an V^: « si require more yardsticks (laughter), but more yardsticks or short er ones will not create.a demand for . more cloth. (Renewed laughter and cries • £ -5 .. of "Good, good.") Nor will short dol- j : ; lars with wide open mints free to all the world increase our factories. (Ap plause and cries of "You are right.") More factories at work will find work for the good dollars now in their hiding places, and find employment for the good men now idle at their homes. (Tremen dous cheering.) "Industry must come first. Labor precedes all else. It is the foundation i of wealth: it is the creator of all 1 wealth. (Applause.) Its active employ ment puts money in circulation and sends ^7- it coursing through every artery of trade. (Great applause and cries of "That's » right!") The mints don't distribute it in that way. (Cries of "You bet they don't!") Start the factories in full blast and the money will flow from bank and vault. The lender will seek tfie borrower, not, as now, the borrower lender. (Great ebeeru "That's right!") ' "Start the factories and put machinery in operation, and there will not be an idle man in the country who is willing and able to work: there will not be an American home where hunger and want will not disappear at oiun (great applause and cries of "That's right!"): and there will not he a farmer who will not be cheered and benefited by his improved home markets and by the better and steadier prices for his prod ucts. (Renewed applause and cries of "That's right!") Credits will fake the place of debts. The wasted earnings of the poor will be restored. A surplus will take the place of a deficiency in the public treasury (cries of "That's right!"); plenty and prosperity will return to us a^ain- and do not forget, men and wom en of'Wood county, that you cannot coin - prosneritv (great cheering), and you can not "revive industries through the mints. (Great applause and cries of "That's ri,rht!") They come through labor and confidence, skill and enterprise, and hon esty, and they will come no other way." » (Great applause.) DEEDS NOT WORDS. What McKinley Did lor Destitute Miner* Less than Two Years Ago. While Candidate Bryan is going about the country telling fairy taies of what he and his policy will do for the poor^;, the question naturally arises: What has lie ever done for the working poor? Is it his habit or nature to fee! for and trv to relieve the suffering of those less fortunate in life than himself? His most loval supporters make .no claims that he has ever shown this'feel- in" for his fellow ma n until now. In fact he has no record of ever having gone out of his way to do anything for * what he calls the "masses. On the other hand, Maj. McKinley, while not nosing fts one ^ \\ ecps for . tho* masses," has a record. He says nothing about the occurrence which gave the world an insight into the heart of the man, an occurrence which demonstrated tlint he was the friend of those who ar* poor and hungry, but a great multitude remembers it. > "J"'1 ,K*S ^ memory of those who "earn their bread- liv tho swont of tbfT f«tCQ» In speaking of Maj. McKinley, the Grand Rapids Herald says: "No account of McKinley s connec tion with labor problems would be com- nlete without some mention of the tire- w Ptiergv which he displayed in secur- hU relief" for the 200O miners in the Hocking valley mining district who early in 1805 were reported out of work and destitute The news first came to the coventor at midnight, but before 5 o'clock in the morning he had upon his own responsibility dispatched to tlv af flicted district a car containing *1000 worth of provisions. Later he made ap peals for assistance and finally distrib uted among the 2723 families in the district clothing and provisions to the- amount of $32,796.95." *