- • >?.* .v yr*W'\ VICIOUS CUSS APPEAL POPOCRATS INCITING WORKING- MEN AGAINST EMPLOYERS. ®ryan Insidiously Working Upon Wage earners to Create Such a Feelipg of Hostility--An Insult to Patriotic Man- liood. The indications are conclusive that the Popocratic campaign managers liave de termined to make their fight chiefly upon the class issue which Mr. Bryau has made prominent in all his speeches since the beginning of his. campaign and to which he owes nearly all the popularity Jie enjoys. The plan is to mate work ingmen against the employers of labor, to instill" into the minds of those who Tvork for wages that thc»y have 110 inter ests in common with the corporations «nd the manufacturing companies which employ them and that in order to tub- serve their own interests they must 'ar ray themselves in political opposition to •employers. Mr. Bryan has been insiduotisly work ing upon wage-earners to create such a feeling of hostility. He has not had the courage of Altgeld and Tillman to; tell them plainly that they ought to vote contrary to the political views of em ployers, but he has constantly insinuated that wage workers were being coerced, expecting thereby to arouse aiaong them the snirit of resentment. On various oc casions he lias said that he had heard •of cases Where employers sought to dic tate how employes should vote, but he ha? never ventured to specif; any em ployer who did this. No no tie less the charge has undoubtedly beea accepted by some workingmen lis true and thus: served its purpose. 'The popoeratic •organs ha ve emulated the example of the candidate. They tell the wjorkirigmen that they are industrial slaves; that they have subjected themselves to the control of heartless masters and that their only hope for the future is in the success of Popocratic doctrines; But this array'ng of workingmen against employers is to be promoted from now on by systematic work. So-called labor leaders are to be put into the field to work upon wage- earners on the lines marked nit by Air. Bryan and the Popocratic national com mittee. An organized plan of this kind is already in operation in Cdicago and w^ll undoubtedly be extended to other industrial centers as rapidly js possible. The national committee is said TO be sparing no effort to incite among work- ingmen hostility to employers. Men who are capable of doing this must have a low estimate of the intelli gence and the manliness "of working- men. In the first place, in marly every state of the union the voter :s Drotccted from intimidation or coercion by the secret ballot. He is permitted t« cast his vote without anybody but himself knowing for whom it is cast, if lie lias sufficient intelligence to read and mark a ticket. Anything like coercion is there fore impossible and 110 employer with common sense would attempt it. To say that an employer may not express his political views in the presence of his employes is to say that he shall not ex ercise the right of every American citi zen. Mr. Bryan is going about the coun try asking men to vote for him 011 the ground that his election would benefit them. Why has not a manufacturer an equal right to say to those he employs that he believes the success of the Re publican party would be to his and their advantage V There is no more coercion in the one case than in the other and so far as the question of self-interest is concerned it is hardly necessary to say that the candidate is quite as likely to be influenced by it as the manufacturer, But we do hot apprehend that any considerable number of intelligent and fair-minded workingmen are going to be misled by the class appeal. They know that their wages were steadily increased down to the time that the Democratic party came into power and that their purchasing power is greater now than ever before. If many of them are not so fully employed as, they were four years ago they know that it is not the fault of .the monetary standard, but of Democratic policy, which produced finan cial distrust and business depression. Such men have no objection to the money they get because it buys more than formerly. What they desire is the chance to earn more of it and they un derstand that this will come with the resumption of industrial activity which the restoration of confidence will bring. There' are millions of these men who are anxiously waiting to vote the Re publican ticket.--Omaha Bee. four years ago the tariff was the only thing that Bryan did talk about. He was sweeping in his statements. He said that a tariff of 10 per cent, was just as indefensible as a tariff of 100 per cent. He did not then attribute low -prices to ffnm who depends upon industry for a the "crime of 1873." He said: "You livelihood?--Cleveland Leader. must attribute it to the inventive genius that has multiplied a thousand times, many instances the strength of a AfVaid to Discuss It. William Jennings Bryan is afraid to discuss the tariff. In reply to a question recently concerning the tariff, he loftily said, "Oh, we can change our tariff sys tem at any time," and to another inquiry lie replied, "You cannot force the tariff question into this campaign." - Yet the tariff is made an issue by both the Popocratic and Republican plat forms. The former declares "the Re publican threat to restore the McKinley law" is disturbing business. Moreover, Gov. McKinley has placed protection side by side with sound money as the issues of supreme importance and the masses 'of the Republican party agree with him. ^ It is not at all difficult to understand why Mr. Bryan ignores the tariff ques tion. He dare not undertake a defense before the American people of the disas trous policy for which he is in part re sponsible. Four years ago Mr. Bryan denounced the policy of protection as "the most vicious political principle that has "ever cursed this country." He then ascribed all the ills experienced by the American people wliblly to protection. He had nothing to say about the cur rency. He had not then discovered that the "demonetization of silver" was responsible for all the trouble. The tariff alone was the source of every wrong and every ill suffered by our people. Two years later Mr. Bryan found op portunity to embody his views in legis lation and to command national atten tion as one of the most radical of the foes of protection. He helped to put wool on the free list with disastrous re sults to American sheep husbandry and corresponding benefit to the wool-grow ers of Australia and other foreign coun tries. He voted against protection to American sugar producers, to the serious detriment of an important industry. He supported by voice and vote tariff changes which, greatly stimulated the worsted and wool manufactures of Eng land and struck an almost fatal blow to those of the United States. He was a foremost advocate of the policy which has kept more than a million of the American people in idleness or only par tially employed for the past three years, reducing the demand for the products of the farm and the factory to the ex tent of hundreds of millions of dollars annuallyr Ho is in part responsible for tariff legislation which has caused an enor mous deficiency in the revenues of the government and compelled bond issues to meet expenses. In short, Mr. Bryan w'as as instrumental as any man in Con gress in bringing about the unfortunate industrial and business conditions from which labor and capital alike have suf- fered immeasurable injury and by which ' the progress of the nation has been great ly retarded. Now Mr. Bryan is afraid to attempt a defense of his record befor: the Amer ican people. But he is grossly mistaken if lie imagines the people ar« not think ing about that question. His "free silver theories and platitudes and fallacies, his appeals to prejudice and pission have about lost their force. Tliie cause of currency debasement and repudiation is a losing cause, and Mr. Biyan cannot escape responsibility for his share in the tariff legislation, 110 matter how much he tries. : . J, Behold the Man, In one of his harangues last Saturday the Boy Orator was asked t> sqy some thing about the tariff and replied: "Our opponents tell us that the 'ariff is the great issue. Until they put r prohibitory tariff on foreign financial policies they cannot talk tariff to me." i.nd yet only men of the country? Is it not a fact that the triumph of Bryan an<4 free coinage, if it has that effect upon the commercial forces of the country, will also be disastrous to industry and every singe arm, and enables us to do today with one man what fifty men could not do fifty years ago. That i^jrhat has brought down prices in this coOntry and everywhere." These words'-of Mr, Bry an wTere right then and they are right now. But he hasn't the honesty to re peat thefn now. Rather than admit that the medicine he induced ,the country to take then was drastic in its effect he bobs up serenely with another nostrum far wrose than the other. He is a politi cal quack of the worst kind.--Cedar Rap ids (la.) Republican* A VOTER'S COGITATinlVS. In ninety-two the country through onr fac tories boomed amain. Our fanners vied with swelling pride in fields of growing grain. The merchant's grace, a smiling face,: was part of Ills attraction; The. blacksmith whistled at his work a song of satisfaction; The brightest ken for laboring men of all the golden ages. For those who sought for manly work at honest living wages; Our. children, too, in garments new, went tripping off to school,, And oh. 'twas grand throughout this land. Contentment was1 the rule. And then to think--onr senses sink--it seems so monstrous strange The demagogues persuaded us 'twas best to . ir have "a change." ' • They.said the tariff was a tax, a burden sore to bear; It only helped the rich, xtiey said, and that was so unfair. And thus' throughout the long Campaign .they never ceased to wall , ; , About thp° awful tariff laid on "poor man's dinner pall." We'd all be bankrupt, so they said, in ac- •cents of alarm"; * Unless the tariff was repealed,, unless we had "reform.". • - The work was done. The false pltea won. We voted most for Grover. Believinp in the promised bliss of "four long years in clover," When scarce the shout had echoed out that Cleveland was the master. Till fell a fear of danger near, and horrible disaster. First black despair was labor's share, born of this new condition. Employment prized was paralyzed by for eign competition. From day to day. 110 work, no pay, while hells of homes were made; Protection's shield was made to yield, to build up English trade; The merchant "soon "took down his sign, he could not pay his debts Because this monkeying with "reform" had ruined his assets.... ... Our farmers, too. the country through loud walled of their undoin': "v Thus one and all in common thrall faced uni versal ruin; , The cruel hand of foreign land was over us the master. Not war and ppstilonee combined could bring such dire disaster. Thank Ood, at last the terror's past, of struggles anil of losses. The day's at hand, we'll rid the land of these "reformer" bos-sos; We ne'er again will trust the men who forced these free-trade collars, Xor will we have our wages paid in 53-cent dollars. 'Tis constant brawny work we want with honest compensation. And then you'll see prosperity throughout this mighty nation. Open the factories, not the mints, we've money now in billions. But idle store can help no more the lialf-clad starving millions. 'Tis not more dollars that we need, but want a way to turn 'em; 'Hasten the day when labor may first have a chance to earn 'em; Remove again this galling chain of "pauper competition." 'Tis this we need, not "cheating greed," to -- better our condition: Xo story told of "cross of gold" will lead us now astray. Xo Bryan can, with untried plan, e'er win our votes today. And labor scorns his "crown of thorns," that stage-play of despair: His silver cry is all a lie, 'twas free trade placed it'there. Then haste the day when vote we may, and speak our indignation Against the man with monstrous plan of flat repudiation; With might and vim we'll bury him so he'll not peep again. With protection for our cry, and McKinley for our man. --E. S. Weeden in Chicago Inter Ocean. All for a Cent. Some free silver fiatists think they are asking a poser when they ask: "What makes a cent worth a cent?" They take it for granted that the answer must be: "The government makes a cent worth a cent," therefore it is the government stamp that makes money worth what it is stamped. W aich shows that a little learning is really a dangerous thing sometimes. The office of a cent is a very small one. It is a minor coin created for convenience in small transactions. But if our wise fiat ists will inform themselves regarding its function and its limitations, they will learn that the cent is legal tender in sums not to exceed 25 cents. Do they appreciate the full significance of that limitation? If they do they will see how ridiculous they are when they make the cent an argument in favor of a full legal tender, irredeemable, fiat dol lar--whether all fiat or 50 per cent. fiat. The subsidiary silver coins are legal tender 111 sums not exceeding $.10, while the standard silver dollar, held at par with gold under the limitations of the ex isting gold standard, is a full legal ten der, without limit, unless otherwise specified 111 the contract. Take away these restrictions and change the stand- aru, and the silver dollar would simply be worth its bullion value; no more, no less.--Detroit Journal. Chapter on Money-3Iakiiig. If a man takes a piece of steel worth 15 cents and makes of it watch-springs worth $100. that is skill. If lie takes a piece of paper worth 2 cents and writes 011 it a poem that sells for $50, that is genius. If lie takes a farm worth $5 an acre and by his labor and knowledge puts it in heart again and makes it worth $20 an acre, that is work. If a man takes a hammer worth 60 cents and in a day's use of it earns $1.35, that's hard work. If a man buys a yearling at a trotting sale for $15, that in its 3-year-old form develops ability to make a mile at a 2:06%. gait, that is judgment. If a man buys a silver mine he has never seen and it makes him a million aire that's luck. If a man buys an article today for $1.50 and sells it tomorrow for $3.69. that's business. But when a government takes 53 cents' worth of silver#nnd coins it into * cart wheel, and says legislatively that > it is 100 cents, or a dollar, and pays it out as such to its creditors, that is not finance, but highway robbery.--From the New York Sun. • •"* Goods Bought on Conditions. There is no doubt that the business men of the country are counting on a revival of business in the event of Mr. McKinley's election. News from all sec tions of the Union is to the effect that orders are being placed with manufac turers and jobbers, conditioned upon the result of the election. If McKinley wins the goods are to be shipped; if Bryan is successful the orders are to be countermanded or reduced. One of the largest furniture houses in Chicago, Ford, Johnson & Co., re ceived a letter from a customer in Cali fornia the" other day, placing a large order for goods._ The order was made conditional in this way: "If the election goes for free silver we do not want the goods; if against free silver we want them shipped November 5--not later." The California merchants say that they are prompted by business prudence alone to make t^e order conditional, be cause they fear" the result of the tri umph of free silver. The same reports come from wholesale merchants in New York and other large cities. Why should any sensible voter hesi tate to disapprove at the polls a policy which is regarded with so much un- certainjty and doubt by the business The Tariff in Relation to Revenue The basic fact to be remembered in all discussions of the tariff is that we are now obliged to. raise annually, in , round numbers, a h:\lf billion of^doliars for the support pf-the government? Apart, from borrowing, which of course, nobody favors, there are but two sources, from xyhich the great bulk of it can be derived, to wit: from tariff duties and direct taxa tion. The difference in these two meth ods is that the first is indirect and so neyer perceptibly felt, and the second is direct and always felt. The Democratic leaders regard both as a tax to be paid by the consumer. The Republicans con tend that if the tariff is a tax at all it is pne paid by the foreign producer aud not by the consumer. ..Hence they favor as high a tariff on the foreign product as it will bear, be cause they deem it better to collect all the revenue possible from the foreigner who pays no other taxes, rather than from our own people who must pay in taxes whatever is needed over and above the amount realized from tariff duties, and moreover, because the tariff affords incidental protection to our manufactur ers thus enabling them to compete with the foreign manufacturer, and at the same time furnishing employment to our laboring men, and creating a home mark et for the farmer's- products far more val uable to him than any so-called market of the world. That the tariff, duties are paid by the foreign producer is so manifest that the only wonder is that it should ever be questioned. The foreign producer pays it as a license fee, for entrance to our market, but when lie gets it here he must sell it. for the same price as, the American producer or lie cannot sell it at_ all. Hence it does not put up the price to the consumer. "* The case , has never been more clearly stated than by Sir John MacDonald, the premier of Canada, who said 111 a speech in the Canadian Parliament shortly after the passage of tho McKinley tariff, "Sup pose a man has 100 acres 011 the Cana dian side of the line aud 100 acres on the American side of the line. Sxippose he grows 1000 bushels of barley 011 each of his farms. He takes his 1000 Ameri can bushels to the American market and gets $1 a bushel for it. lie takes his 1000 bushels of Canadian barley to the American market and gets but S5 cents per bushel, because he has to pay 15 ceuts duty for taking it across the line. How can it. in this age. be said that the consumer pays the duty? It comes out of the pockets of the Canadian farmers." At a large meeting held in Sheffield, England, about the same time the lead ing speaker, who was a manufacturer of cutlery, according to a report in the New York Herald said: "That he remem bered the time when the Americans sup plied work for the entire city of Shef field. and that the McKinley bill was a bill to raise American taxes out of the pockets of the Sheffield exporters, and that Sheffield was not going to pay British taxes and American taxes, too." Such statements from such sources show that foreigners know who pay our taxes if Democratic leaders do not.-- Chippewa Falls (Wis.) Herald. What it Amounts To. The scheme for the unlimited coinage of 50-cent silver is wholly opposed to' mathematics, logic and morality. It is mathematically absurd to try to have two standards for money. You cannot have a bushel that holds both eight pecks and four pecks or a yard of both thirty-six inches and eighteen inches long or a pound containing sixteen ounces and eight ounces. If by law you could enforce such double-standard measures, everybody would try to buy by the larger and sell by the smaller.--If you tried to enforce the use of the smaller for the larger, the men of moderate means and the working men and women who cannot resist would get cheated. The only ones who would make anything by such a law are the gamblers, who would lay wagers 011 the rnpid changes that would come about, or the actual owners of the prod ucts which the law tries to double in price. In the case of the silver standard the gamblers and mine owners jlone would gain. The scheme is opposed to logic because it is offered as a help to the poor, who would suffer most by it. It is offered as a relief for debtors, but 110 class has so large a sum constantly owing to them as the wage earners, who would be paid 50 cents for a dollar. Even the farmers who are in debt would suffer, for their mortgages would be called in and could only be renewed at a highpr interest, if at all. Every farmer who is clear of debt would 4find his expenses increasing faster than his income, while the ad vance in priees, so far as it took place, would check exports and increase im ports. It is opposed to morality, for it would give big profits to the mine owners at the cost of the rest of the people. It would rob the many to add to the riches of the rich. It would rob most those who have the least--the wage, earners and the multitude of widows and orphans with small incomes from fixed investments. As with classes, so with sections. It would cheat worst the poorer parts of the country, aud 110 part so cruelly as tho South. These are facts that will become plainer and more plain as the canvass goes on. In the end we are confident that Bryan and Bunko, Sewall and Silver, will be crushed by the votes of the workingmen and the farmers.--New York Times. A KINGIN(f LETTER, ARCHBISHOP IRELAND, OF ST. J>AUL, FOR M'KINLEY. Warning to Voters to Maintain the Integrity of the Nation--The Peril- Which Threatens the Country--Pa-i triotic Words from a Great Prelate. mm Voters Are Warned. Right Rev. John-Ireland, archbishop'of St. Paul, Minn., has given out for publi cation a ringing letter of waging to the voters of, America. He declares the proposition of the free and independent coinage otsiiv^y^S^he ra&io^ of sixteen to one, however Srtftfli it menaces the pros perity of the natioji. t£> be one of the least of the evils contained in the Chicago plat form. In his opinion the silver plank is subordinated in its alarming importance to the denial of the President's right to send troops into any State to quell riots and protect Federal interests unless re quested to do so by the Governor of such State, and to the plank menacing the non partisan integrity of the. Supreme, Court. The Supreme Court is styled by the prelate as the palladium of American lib erty, and the declaration against the President's right to order' out Federal troops in cases siniilar to that of the Chi' cago riot is held to be a rehabilitation of (he secession sentiment, which, he as serts, was buried at Appomattox, The letter entire is of considerable length. At the outset the Archbishop says: , * „ "I am not unwilling, in the crisis through which the country is now pass ing, to speak for the integrity of the nation, for social order, for the pros perity of the people, for the honor of America and the permanency of free in stitutions. 1 am a citizen of the coun try, concerned in all the interests of the^ nation, subject to all the responsibilities of citizenship. To be silent, when words of mine may be of some profit to the people, would be cowardice, would be crime; "I am not unmindful of the objection made against the churchman speaking at any time 011 matters which have entered the arena of politics, lest his influence as a teachcr of religion seem to be used to promote the interests of a political party. I might reply that there are occasions when a political platform means disaster to the country, when politics is closely connected with morals or religion, and that on those occasions tho churchman must be the patriot without allowing a moment's thought to considerations of expediency and must take in hand the moral or religious issue, even if it be vested in the garments of politics. "But in the present instance I seek no excuse of this kind. I speak entirely as the citizen, without warrant from my ecclesiastical position. Deep as my con victions are, I hold in all due respect my fellow-citizens who hold convictions at variance with my own. I impeach neither their good faith nor their honor/ I am dealing not with men, but with principles and movements. This justice which I render to those whose ideas I am ready to combat I am sure they will render to me. "I stand by the platform and the presi dential candidate of the Republican con vention at St. Louis. I am opposed to the platform and the presidential candidate of the Democratic convention at Chi cago. -- ;------: --• Young Men. That was a splendid little speech which Maj. McKinley delivered to the first voters of Canton 011 Monday. He truly said that the young men were the hope of the community, the state and the nation. The young men of today will be the leaders of tomorrow, and if they begin right when they first partici pate in the political affairs of the coun try they are pretty certain to continue in the right path throughout their lives. The young men of today have high* aspirations. They want to do right. They are anxious to array themselves with the party which represents in the largest degree the virtue, intelligence, and patriotism of the American people. It ought not to be difficult for them to determine which party that is. Look at the leaders of the two great parties. Look at the men who are today advo cating the election of William Jennings Bryan 011 a platform declaring for re pudiation and ruin. Look at the fol lowers of those leaders. That is all that is needed. No young man of sense will hestiate long about making his choice. This is what Maj. McKinley said about the Republican party: "No party ever had a grander history. No party ever did more for mankind, for liberty, for equality and for the prog ress and glory of the country. "It represents the best hopes and as pirations of the American people, and embraces within its doctrines and. pur poses the honor of the country and the greatest prosperity of all the people." Nothing truer was ever spoken. The greatest and best men this country has nroduced during the past half century have bpen members of and leaders of the Republican party, and tlie policies it has advocated in the past and is ad vocating today have received the en dorsements of. all those men. Every young man who casts his first vote this year should support the cause of William M'clvinley and sound money. --Cleveland Leader. --A petition presented to the Duke of Norfolk, as Earl Marshal, in the year 1698 by one Thomaf Greenhill, surgeon (author of a work 011 "Embalming,") slioweth, "That, in consideration of your petitioner being the seventh son and the thirty-ninth child of one father and moth er, your grace would be pleased to signal ize it by some particular moto and aug mentation fo his coat of arms, to transmit to posterity so uncommon a thing." --Russia is employing the schoolmaster to secure her conquests. Schools have been established in Merv and eight other towns in the region beyond the Caucasus where the Russian language is used in teaching by the side of the native tongues. • "The days of the civil war excepted, at no time did so great peril threaten the country as that which is involved 111 the political campaign of to-day. "The question of free and unlimited coinage of silver is put in the foreground. This question has its importance, but it is of a minor importance, in presence of other questions which are brought into issue. "The movement which had its expres sion in the Chicago convention and which now seeks, by means of popular suffrage, to enthrone itself in tlie capital of the nation, is in its logical effect against the United States; it is secession; the seces sion of 18(51, which our soldiers believed they had consigned to eternal death at Appomattox, but which demands again recognition from the American people. "The declaration in the Chicago plat form has and can have 110 other mean ing: 'We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the Uni ted States ancba. crime against free insti tutions.' The wordsi point to the act of Grover Cleveland sending United States troops to protect national property and en force national laws during the ^Chicago riots in 1S94. J "In these words there is the old seces sion doctrine that States are independent of the national Government at Washing ton; there is the annulment of the union; there is notice served upon the flag of America that outside the District of Co lumbia it is without power of self-asser tion or self-defense. "The President of the United Stakes is told that to enforce national laws and protect national property he cannot march the nation's troops into any State with out the authorization of the Governor of that State. One of the chief speakers of the convention of Chicago understood the significance of the convention and voiced its spirit. " *1 came from a State which was the home of secession,' said Senator Tillman, of South Carolina. 'I say,' he continued, 'it is a sectional issue, and it will pre vail.' " "And fitting was it that tho speaker voicing the spirit of the Chicago conven tion should be the representative of South Carolina. Thrice now has South Caro lina spoken for secession--when it passed in 1832 the nullification ordinance, when in 1861 it fired 011 Fort Sumter, when in 1896 it cries out 'A sectional issue, and it will prevail.' "The platform of the Chicago conven tion threatens the country with destruc tion of social order, with lawlessness and anarchy. "The personification of law and of social order in America is our courts, and the promise of safety to our free institu tions is the prompt obedience of the peo ple to those courts. And, now, the courts lire to be shorn of their power, and shorn of it in favor of mobs bent on rioting and the destruction of property. " 'We especially object.' says the Chi cago platform, "td government by injunc tion, as a new and highly dangerous form of oppression.' Here reference is made to the action of the courts during the Chi cago riots--without which action there is no calculating how much ruin should have come to the city. "The palladium of American liberties is the Supreme Court at Washington, the counterpart of which, in majesty and in power to enforce absolute justice, does not exist among tfie nations of Christen dom. • "Put, as, far as^Lis possible to human ingenuity, outside oFfftirtisan politics, in dependent of all political influences through their lifp-tenuro of office,' the judges of this court rule Congress and President, States and nation, and ex pound the law in all its inflexibility, 110 matter who or what must yield to it. And now a convention speaks of the Su preme Court 'as it may be hereafter con stituted,' intimating unmistakably, if the party represented in that couvbiitiin comes to power, the intention to so con stitute the courts by the popular election of the judges^ by the shortening of their term of office or otherwise, as to make it insensible to the stern voice of th^ law, and responsive to the pastiing whims of political parties.""" "Worse, to my mind, than all this, is the spirit of socialism that permeates the whole movement which has issued from the convention of Chicago. It is the 'in ternational' of Europe, now taking body; in America. Of this one cannot but be convinced when the movement is closely observed,--the shibboleths of its adherents" listened to, the discourse of its orators carefully examined. . >v»t~ 3;;; .-i^ ; "The war of, class-'against <dass is; upon: us, the war of the proletariat'against the property holder. No other meaning to 'the common people,' 'to labor,' -to'the poor and downtrodden,' and to the de nunciations against 'plutocrats' and 'cor porations* and fmoney-grabbers! and •bankers.'" • . "Many adherents of the movement do not perceive its full meaning; but let them beware, they are lighting torches which, borW in the hands of reckless men, may light up iu the country the lui%d fires of a 'commune.' America, heretofore, has been free from socialistic hatred and warfare; it has been a country of opportunities for all men, and it has given to the laborer a livelRiood higher and better than is af forded him in any other country of tlie world. Is this all to be changed? Is social chaos, gloating over ruins, to be the method of social elevation of the asses. "The jieople of America must to-day look warily around, guard against catch words and' misleading war crios; avoid giving any countenance to socialistic or anarchistic tendencies and know that the first condition of prosperity ,'to-: any and all classes of the people is a peaceful commonwealth and assured social order." The Archbishop discusses at length the financial question, and condemns in the Strongest terms the money plank in the Chicago platform and the theories of the silverites. Among other things he says: "The free and unlimited coinage ^f sil ver dollars at a ratio of 10 to 1 by the United States ̂ independently of the other great commercial nations, into dollars which shall be made legal tender, will disturb the whole business of the country far beyond anything which we are now experiencing. "Is the whole business of America to be imperilled by a leap into an experiment which those very men who advocate it confess to be only an experiment and which experience and common sehse con demn ? '"Free coinage will give us money, worth in the commercial market of the World a little over half its nominal value. No one imagines that the stamp of the Government gives value to a piece of metal; it merely certifies to the quantity and quality. Otherwise, the Government stamp might as well be affixed to copper, or to mere paper. "Therefore, with the passage of free silver coinage we shall liaVe a currency, rejected at its nominal value from the markets of the world, unstable and fluc tuating in real value. Business cannot prosper with such a currency. "The first condition of the life of busi ness is stability of the currency. None will invest money of a certain value to day in commerce and industry if, by the time the raw material has been turned into marketable waro,f tho currency is likely to have changed in value. "Business in all branches. would be come a speculation, a gamble, and con servative capital would k eep o u t-of-sigh t . No loans would be made. It is nonsense to say that capital must put itself into the American market whether the capital be American or European. We should not be deluded by words. We may clamor in vain for capital; it will not come to us uflless there be security for it. It will remain iu the vaults of safety or go to other parts of the world where reward is small but certain. And, without capital, there will be no enterprise and no work for the people. "I am absolutely convinced that, the la boring classes will suffer the most of all from free coinage of silver. "And, yet, the laboring classes are those that are the most urgently appeal ed to in this free silver movement. A man who talks against; free, silver is put down at once as an enemy of the 'common people.' Well, for my part, I, am willing to be called an enemy of the working classes, of the 'common people,' if I am in reality advising tlieni for their good and serving their true interests. ".Those above all others in the land who should to-day be 011 their guard against the silver movement are tlie laborers of America. "But, will not the farmers be benefited? Will they not receive a higher price, for their products? Maybe a higher price, but not higher value. Of what use is it to have a dollar instead of a half dollar if the dollar can purchase 110 more than the half dollar? And will farmers receive even nominally a much higher price than they do now? "The best market of the farmers"prod uct is his own country. And if his own country is impoverished, if factories are closed, if laborers in cities are penniless, the farmer will receive but little for his harvest. "Men 011 salaries will scarcely hope to have their salaries doubled, even nom inally, and then their salaries, such 11s they may be, will have only half the pur chasing power they have td-day. "Those who owe debts payable--prin cipal or interest--in gold will receive the same salaries as to-day, and their sal aries will have but half the debt-paying power which they have to-day. "It is the great fallacy of the day to be attributing our hard times to the gold standard. "One of the chief causes of hard times to-day is the agitation for a radical change in the currency of the country. "If the American people put down by an overwhelming majority this agitation --bury it out of sight--one chief cause of hard times will be out of the way. Other causes may remain, more or less. That of the general competition with all the nations of the earth must remain. CJood times, however, may be expected to come back, surely, even if only gradually. "That the great American nation will, as a nation, declare to the world that it will now make a law compelling its cred itors to be satisfied with half or a little more, of the money they loaned it, and go on record in the eyes of the world ns a broken down, bankrupt, repudiating na tion, is not possible to believe. "I may, of course, be mistaken. But I have eome to look upon the present agitation as the great test of universal suffrage and popular sovereignty. C^n the people defend public honor and the institutions of the country at the polls, as they have done on the-field of battle? Can they be so calm and deliberate in tliei^ judgment, so careful tc/ weigh all things in the scale of reason, and to avoid all rash experiments, that they can be trusted with the sentiments of grave social and political problems?' ' That "Is the question that is before us at the pres ent moment." V ' That Letter from Bismarek.' Hon. Andrew D. White, writing from Ithaca, N. Y., lias addreaed an open letter to Gov. Culbersqn, of Texas, on tjje recent Bismarck campaign document, in the course of which .lie says in part: "You have doubtless already learned that both yoirand Mr. Bryan have been deceived regarding the letter of Prince Bismarck to you, and that the most im portant part ofav as ftrac publiahod/is *-f« forgery, the dishonest translation foisted upon your excellency and Mr. Bryan con- taihing a long paragraph. favoring tho immediat<rund independent action ot the' United States in- favor of bimetallism which does not exist in the original. Off coursd l acquit you both of intentional deceit, d>elieving you both too high-mind- ed to pfcofit knowingly by this forged in terpolation. But what are the American people to think of a cause which resorts to such a glaring criminal expedient, and which has-.not hesitated to exhibit you and your candidate in the light of dupes before 60,000,000 of their fellow citizens? Will this not go Jar to convince them that your party having failed in argu ment has fobnd it necessary to resort to the cheapest of frauds in order to bolster up the cause of silver monometallism, which for some*tame past has been grad ually sinking in all civilized countries?" BOOMING^ ' ' • : • A . . < &M.JU-.' GOES tiP" FOUR CENTS If* CHI* a 0 CAGO ON JtfONDA* Based on Legitimate Demand, Trader* See a Rampant Market Likely Un til Christmas--Home and Foreign Markets Excited and America Happy fot/m i - r ' I ' * • "' A4- The Boy Orator. I am Bill, Bill, the Metaphor Manipulator. When I talk the universe listens And the litle stars ] Stand on their head^ in ecstasy. My voice is as * Tho boundless ocean for depth, And my throat V " ^ Is like hnto a leather-covered Snction pump. ,* My vocal chords are Triple expansion, double back-action Aeolian harps, And the winds of heaven make their Home in my lungs. , •s : My morning\repast is fricassed Dictionary; My noonday meal is a plate of „ Hashed-brown .similes With the quotation marks-extracted. And at eventide I dine . Upon a pot-roast of English language Served with Pea-green exclamation points. I am The only human phonograph, And when I talk All the silver in the bowels of The earth rolls, over On its side aud yearns to be Discovered. I am The Mouth of Rhetoric. The words, great, garish words, Fall from my lips unceasingly until The limitless realms of Space Are full thereof. I thinkjR'ords, I speak words, I Exudo words, ,= 1 Words, words, words. Words, words, W ords, Always words, words forever and ever. I am Bill the Simile Sockdolager, And I'm the Spokesman From the Headwaters of Talkafew Creek. Metaphors are my strong suit, For when I see An outcast metaphor running Around with the knee out of its Little trouser, you bet I grab it And preserve it for Future reference. I am Burn-a-hole-in-the-atmosphere-Bill, And I'm going to talk From now , Until half-past two next century. Make way for „ > *" ,y Bill! ,iV. • Bill, the Bearfer of Hand-Me-Down Met aphors. " Make way for me, I say, Antl turn on "/ ' ' '"'J\ The Life-Saving Department, For I am about To loosen up my thorax for all That's in me. --New York Sun. Biggest Day's Jump in Year*. Wheat made the greatest single day's advance in price Monday that it has in twenty years. It took a balloon and sail ed to great heights." There was no para chute attached to that balloon either for a speedy descent. All day above the pit of the Chicago Board of Trade rang the cry: "Pollar wheat." It was echoed in Liverpool, in Paris, Antwerp and Ber lin, oyer the impoverished fields Of Rus sia and where the empty granaries of Ar gentine mock the sun. Foreign bread makers and bread sellers were after American wheat. Since Sko-f beloff stormed the mountain crags of Plevna, during the Turko-Russian war,; European markets have never put forth such a demand for a Yankee's grain. The bound in prices was phenomenal. The advances at the great foreign and home markets in the price over that of Saturday were: At Antwerp... .10 cents At 'Paris,. .......... 8 cents At Liverpool....... .i..... 6 centa At Berlin .............. 3% cents At New.York1..... 1..... .. ... 5 cents , At Chicago ...;. ...... 4 cents While at the closing of the market there was some falling off from these gains, it was. not sufficient to afford th» bears any satisfaction or comfort- Twenty Years' Record Broken. Twenty years have passed since the wheat market has seen any such activity. Britishers have been accustomed to wait for war times before expecting such mar ket excitement as seen in Liverpool Mon day. Their uniform cablegrams to Chicago agents were: "Wheat excited and 3d higher." On the continent the excitement was still greater. Paris and Antwerp felt the tremendous bulge of Saturday in the Berlin market. Berlin, which set the pace- Saturday, advanced cents. On the Pacific coast the net gain for the day, was but 5 cents per cental, although at one time it was 8 cents. New York's opening gain was 5 cents, and of this it retained 3 cents uutil the .close. December wheat in Chicago was with in one-fourth of a cent of 80 cents at 11 o'clock Monday morning. This was the highwater mark of the day. Two years ago on Oct. 19 December wheat sold at closing at 60% cents. The closing price was 77%, or 17 cents higher than two years ago. The biggest bear on the mar ket could not take cheer out of that com parison, especially since the foreign de mand continues strong and without a sign of letting up. The advance was not checked by the posted figures showing an increase in the visible supply of 2,500,000 bushels, mak ing a grand total in sight of 55,000,000. Europe wanted wheat--wants it still-- and that badly. America has the gran. Unloading at Quick Profits. The bulls, wise sometimes and some times not, thought the situation at open* ing warranted the unloading of part o€ their holdings. They wanted a profit at • \ 'Mm Story of a Careful Man,, He was a careful and thoughtful man. In fact, it may be said that he was an extremely careful and thoughtful man. He was resting comfortably in his easy chair with his feet resting on a footrest when he discovered that his pencil needed sharpening. Any other man would have taken out*his knife aud begun wdrk at once, but he was too thoughtful for that, also too care ful. He sighed, got. up out of his chair and went across the room for a little waste paper basket that was standing in the corner. Then he returned to his seat in the easy chair and placed the basket 011 the, floor between his legs. His wife smiled approvingly, and he felt proud of himself. i He opened his knife, leaned over his basket and began work on the pencil. 1 "It is just as easy to be careful and thoughtful," he said as he detached the first shaving from the end of the pen cil. "It is," replied his wife as she follow ed the shaving with her eye and saw it go over his shoulder and land on the carpet behind him. But why continue? There are few who have not tried to sharpen a pencil over a small basket in somofcioment of temporary insanity. When he had finished there were three shavings in the basket, and the rest were on the floor. That is usually the way it happens. > • $3 79 cents. They got it, and then undet> foreign pressure bought back the grain they had sold at a higher figure than they had received for it. Law of supply ami demand proved stronger than all specula tive rules," and made many a wiseacre on the board'wish for a few moments Mon day that he was omniscient. " * The gamut which December wheat ran Monday in the Chicago market'ttas: Opening, 78^ cents, 79^ cents, 79% cents; closing, 77% cents. M i , The hot haste of the bulls to realis* quick profits had more to do with ham mering the local price down than any thing else. There was W weakening in the foreign demand. But as it was there was a net gain of 1% cents from Satur day's closing figures and no decline. Af flood of buying orders from California and foreign markets caused an advanca on the unofficial curb market in the af ternoon of 1 cent over the closing price on the Board of Trade. No one better explains the situation or makes it more plain why the eyes of tha whole world are now turned to the wheat stores of America than John Hyde, ex pert special agent of the eleventh census,; in his statement: "It is worthy of note that in 1867 and. 1868 the failure of crops in Great Brit-" ain, which the United States was unable to make good out of its own surplus, cans-/, ed an advance in price of no less than 42 cents per bushel. Wheat during the lasti ninety days, owing to deficient harvests in other countries, has advanced from 64 to 78 cents per bushel." ! • •-«! Rare Minerals. Once in a while you read of a man who claims to have found a mine of bismuth, and basing his calculations upon a price of say two dollars a pound, lie heralds his find and thinks he has a fortune within his grasp. The fact is, there is no bismuth produced in this country, and there is only about thirty tons imported. So if any person could put one hundred tons on the mar ket it would bring the price down to twenty-five cents at least. Of cobalt not more than two hundred tons are used annually in the world. In regard to mica, the East Indian product 's driving the Canadian product out of the market. Mica that is in the least associated with iron is useless for this purpose. It is much the same with some of the rarer minerals. Were tel lurium found in large quantities Its value would lessen,> but as only a few ounces are found each year, not enough Told iu a Few Lines. ! Harry M. Schneider, trading as L. H. Schneider's -Sons, hardware, made an as signment at Washington, D. C, Assets. ?56,091; liabilities, $39,357. The First National Bank of Joseph,' Wallowa County, Ore., was robbed of $2,- 000 bytthree men, one of whom fa dead, another badly wounded, while the third is being pursued by a posse of citizens. The greater part of the damage done by the cloudburst at Benson, Ariz., waa in the town, the west end of which waa completely washed away. The express office was lifted from its foundation. Ser- en persons are reported dead. Consent has been given by the Chi nese Government for the building of a branch of the Silesian Railway across North Manchuria with the pre-emption clause giving China fhe right to pur chase this branch after thirty years. The estimate of the total damage dona by the storm in Washington, D. C., ag gregate $433,500. The unroofing of so many houses caused a brisk demand for roofing tin and sent thf* price up. Tha stock of tin in the city soon became ex hausted. Edward S. Stokes has retired from, tha active management of the Hoffman House at New York. Mr. Stokes has given up the active management in ordeit. to attend to his private interests outsider but he still remains president of the hotel company. « The Laconia, N. H., Car Company, through its president, Ferley Putnam, to supply the demand, why, the value , ,arge credit0I% petitioned for the appoint- is enhanced. Three-fifths of the nickel , mcnt of a receiver. The entire indebted- produced in the world comes from Canada. The production in other por tions of the world is so small as to cut no figure in the statistics of mineral production. . ; Upholstered Seats for Tramps. i One of the city parks of Memphis, Teun., which is described as having up holstered seats, has proved so inviting a lounging piaee for vagabonds that the keeper is kept busy arresting tramps for sleeping or lying down there. . •"* | -- 1 i------hp-- . I'.l ~ | Mary Stuart was: baldvand wore- a wig. Baldness was a very common af fliction among the ladies of that day. ness is $350,000, of which $150,000 is mortgaged bonds. The present financial difficulty is' attributed to the general de pression of business.^ The steamer La Bourgogne,, which ar rived at New York from Havre, reports that Jean Lebre, a fireman, was missed by his mates. ' A thorough search of the ship was made, but no trace of him could be found. He is supposed to have jump ed overboard. John Prank, a jealous Italian lover, upon being rejected by Pepini Careno, a handsome Italian girl, secured a double- barreled shotgun audi going to her resi dence at Youngstown. Ohio, Jo the dark ness, sent tho contents of both barrels ry si then In use probably contributed to I lng herlnstantly. Frank made his this result. *1 V* •*& 'V..'.? • . ' . 1111 . • • s