Co vval $2.00 per Annum fie Sn Poni a "All extremes are error, the opposite of error is not truth but error; truth lies between the extremes." in advance. STRATFORD, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1863 NO? 24: Select Poetry, it fy SA. Spy odin tow a fae aeardv ae tg gore CO aS Jehovah Tsidkenu, eh. '(THE LORD OUR RIGHTEOSNESS," T once was a Stranger to grace and to God. Tknew not my danger, and felt not my load; Though friends spoke in rapture ot Christ on the tree, chovah Tsidkenu wa gs nothing to me. I oft read with pleasure, to soothe or engage, Isaiah's wild measure, and John's simple page; But, e'en when they pictured the blood-sprink- led tree, Jehovah Tsidkenu seemed nothing to me, Like tears from the daughters of Zion that roll, I wept when the waters went over his soul; Yet thought not that my sins had nailed to the tree Jehovah Tsidkenu--'twas nothing to me. When free grace awoke me by light from on high, Then legal fears skook me ; I trembled to die; No refuge, no safety, in self could I see,-- Jehovah Tsidkenu my Saviour must be. My terrors all vanished before the sweet name; ~My guilty fears banished, with boldness I came To driuk at the fountain, life-giving and free. Jehovah Tsidkenu is all things to me. Jehovah Tsidkenu! my treasure and boast, Jehovah Tsidkenu! I ne'er can be lost; In thee I shall conquer by flood and by field, My cable, my anchor, my breastplate and shield! Even treading the valley, the shadow of death, This "watchword" shall rally my faltering breath : For while from life's fever my God sets me free, Jehovah Tsidkenu my death song shall be, --Mc Cheyne, France and America. (From the Saturday Review.) The Emperor has taken every means, di- rect or indirect, to show that his sympathies are with the Southern Confederacy, and that he thinks the interests of France are on that side too. He has twice offered to recognise the Southern Confederation, and has only been prevented by the impartial neutrality of England. He has planted a Monarchy at the very door of what used once to be the United States. He receives Mr. Slidel with the utmost friendship; and the retirement of Mr. Mason from England is explained by the wish to give greater prominence and effect to the position accorded to the envoy of the Southern Confederation at the Court of the Tuileries. It must be owned that he has, in one way, had much more success than he could have anticipated. He has not offended the North. People there seem unable to hate or disapprove of him and his doings, as they exhaust all the hatred and disapproval that is in them upon England. There is occasionally a fecble protest against the Mexican Monarchy in the Northern journals, and the gossips of New York work their imagination into a belief that secret expeditions are being fitted out of whichVera Cruz is the real destination. But there is no heart in all this vaporing, and the North- erners evidently care very little what hap- pens beyond their borders so long as Eng- land does not reap any advantage, or what policy is adopted towards them, so that England is blamed whatever she may do. The Emperor may therefore easily avoid any immediate collision with the North if he pleases. He may exercise his undoubted right to dispose as he likes of Mexico, which he has conquered, and he may hold it with- out any one trying to disturb him. But when he looks forward to the future, he must be aware that, if the Union were re- stored, the possession of Mexico would pro- bably be a very troublesome one; and he may reasonably wish that there lay between him and the North a friendly Power, weak enough to be very glad of his alliance, and yet perfectly akle and willing to fight for its own independence. Whether he will think it worth while to help the South while his help would be effectual, remains to be seen. It is probable that the danger of a war with Russia may force him to concen- trate his attention in another direction. He hag suffered a diplomatic defeat from the Court of St. Petersburg, and his Govern- ment is founded on the basis of not being defeated anywhere; whereas in America he has achieved a diplomatic triumph, and still receives the adulation and reverence of the North, although he has tried its patience so severely. The classes too, in France, who long for war--and whose champion the Emperor asserts himself to be, in a special and peculiar degree never attained by any other ruler of France--long for a war with Russia, and are by no means anxious for one with the Federal Government. There seems some entertainment in a European war, where all the main incidents would oc- cur close at hand, and would be known the same day by telegraph, where there is some- thing substantial to be got by conquerors, and where the achievements of the armies of France, and the noble aspirations of her people, are proclaimed in a language almost universally understood. A war on the borders of Mexico, or at sea, would be a very different thing. No one would know what was happening; there would be noth- ing to be got that Frenchmen care for get- ting , the navies of France might not be successful ; and it would be difficult to put a fight for Mexico and the Southern Con- federation in that romantic and disinterested light which gratifies French taste. That the Emperor will incur the dangers and anxieties of the war which would probably follow if he recognized the Government of Richmond seems therefore, on the whole, doubtful ; but at the same time there are one or two considerations which might make him look on an American war with more favcr than might at first be supposed. We have done so much to avert the chan- ces of going to war with America ourselves, and are so willing to allow all that the Fed- eral Government can reasonably ask of us, that we may be tempted to forget that others are not.situated altogether as we are, and that some of the reasons whieh prompt us to make concessions to the North may not operate on nations differently circumstanced. Putting aside the ties of blood and race, which are felt so much more strongly here than in the States, and which would always impel us to shrink, except in the last ex- tremity, from war against mcn who are tle descendants of Englishmen and speak the English language, we have a strong induce- ment to allow the Federals to have their own way on some of the chief points where dis- agreement might bring about a collision. It is chiefly on subjects of maritime inter- national law that disputes have arisen, and it is our interest that many of the doctrines for which the Federals contend should pre- vail. We wish to retain the empire of the seas, and nothing would gratify us more than that we should have the same superior- ity over other navies that the North has over the South at sea. The Federals have, in fact, been re-creating the precedents which England first set up in the days when Tra- falgar had given her unquestioned supre- macy, and which, since the Peace of 1815, it has been the constant object of the minor maritime nations--and especially of France and the United States--to undermine. By the Treaty of Paris, England consented to forego the right of establishing vague block- ades over long lines of coast, and the Conti- nental nations thought it a great triumph to obtain this concession. The Federal Goy- ernment has now established a blockade of this sort, and pretends to cut off the com- mercial world from access to two thousand miles of coast.' This is exactly a blockade of the sort which France and the United States have always stigmatized as a paper blockade.. No one supposed that under a paper blockade there was no danger to the ships that tried to run it; for there was al- ways a chance that the English cruisers that hung about the coast might come upon the vessels that tried to reach the harbors and bays of the blockade line. But the op- ponents of England contended 'that this possibility of capture was not sufficiently obvious to justify the interference with neu- tral commerce. In 1856 we yielded the point, although the doctrine that thousands of miles of coast can be considered blockaded because there is a considerable danger to any ship approaching the shore, was exceedingly convenient to a na- tion with the first nayy in the world. Now a precedent has been set, and has been accepted, not only by England, but by France, which virtually revives the doctrine. Lord Russell says that the coast of the Southern Confederation is blockaded as well as we can reasonably expect a coast of two thousand miles to be blockaded. Perhaps it may be; and the meaning of this is suf ficiently explained by the ease with which the official vessels of the Southern Goyern- ment have made twenty-two voyages running Without one capture being made. England in the highest days of her maritime supre- macy, never claimed anything more than that such a blockade should be respected because a more stringent blockade was made impossible by the extent of coast that was to be guarded. We do not know that there is any other reason for eontinuing to respect the blockade than that it suits us to have such a blockade considered efficient. But France is altogether in a different position. The doctrine which she took so much trouble to have repealed is being set up again, and it is unquestionably her interest that the blockade should be considered inefficient. Tn the same way, we are desirous that, if the law will permit it, the vessels intonded for the Southern Government should be stopped; and we feel this anxiety, not be- cause there is any theoretical difference be- tween furnishing guns and furnishing ships, but because we know that it would be ex- ceedingly disadvantageous to us that such ships should be permitted to sail from neu- tral ports. We should undergo almost ex- actly the very evils from which we attempted to guard ourselves when we insisted on the abolition of privateerin'as a compensation for the relinquishment of our right to set up blockades along vast lines of coast.. We are interested in having the article of the Treaty of Paris forbidding privateering established, and in having the article for- bidding blockades like that of the Southern coast set aside; and the Federals help us to effect both objects. Therefore our in- terest prompts us to allow the Federal claims, whereas the interest of France would naturally prompt her to reject them. The Emperor, of course, knows this,and if France were to declare that she would no longer re- spect the blockade, he would only be acting in accordance with the doctrines which French statesmen have for half a century thought it of the highest importance to maintain. There is unquestionably a strong feeling in a portion of French society in favor of the North, and a majority of the educated classés are desirous that the relations of France with the Federal Government should continue amicable. They think that the Northern States furnish a natural and use- ful ally against England, and they are proud of France having taken a part in establish- ing American independence. But it may be doubted whether the Emperor feels as many of the leading statesmen and _politi- cians of France feel on this subject. The alliance of France with the United States was the only successful issue of the foreign policy of France in the later days of the old Monarchy, and itis one of the few traditions which the Bourbons have bequeathed to modern France. Those who are most warmly attached to it in France are those who rose to eminence under the Govern- ments that preceded the present Empire, and the Bourbons have given the tie a personal and family character by sending two of the young chiefs of their House to fight under the Federal standard. The Emperor may not be sorry to cut away the connexion of France with a country thus linked to his predecessors. He entered on a policy un- friendly to the Federal States, and strongly condemned by the educated classes inFrance, when he sent his troops to Mexico, If he were to go-as far as the Mexican expedition would naturally lead him, and were to seek to govern the new conquest by erecting a barrier between it and the North, he would at least be committing France to a policy originated by himself, and would be sepa- rating her from a policy favored by the French parties which he considers most hos- tile to himself. He went against the judg- ment and the doctrines of the educated classes when he embarked in his Italian war, and he made France take a part from which the political leaders of the Republic, no less than of the Constitutional Government, had sedulously tried to keep her. If the South consented to pay whatever the Em- peror chose to fix as the price of his inter- ference, either in the cession of territory or in some modification of the existing system of slavery, the French might be easily taught by the Ministerial press to feel indignant that a paper blockade should keep from the starving workmen of French manufactories the cotton they so much need. It is true that these are only, at present, speculations as to events that are not very distinct or near; but it is worth while, in examining the position of the North and the probabili- ties of war or peace, to remember that the interests which lead us to adopt the Fed- eral doctrines of international law do not exist -for France, and that the traditional connexion of France with the United States is bound up with the name and fortunes of a family which the Emperor desires, above all things, to consign to oblivion. wr The last Pompeian Discoveries. M. Mare Monnier supplies the Revue des Deux Mondes with a highly interesting ac- count of the last great discovery made at Pompeii, during the excavations undertaken by Cavalier Fiorellithe corpses of the un- fortunate Pompeians whom the lava stream surprised in their flight, and whose forms and features are preserved in the attitude in which death overtook them. The bodies, or rather the lava mould which covers them, are now tobe seen at the Museum, and striking photographs of them have been transmitted to Paris; they give, however, by no means 60 effective a description as the account of M. Mare Monnier. He says :-- One day in a little street, under a heap of stones and rubbish, a vacant place was dis- covered, at the bottom of which appeared something looking like bones, M. Fiorelli was summoned in haste, and he conceived a luminous idea. He poured in some liquid plaster, and the same operation was per- formed at other points where bones had been likewise discovered ; and as soon as the plaster hardened the mould was lifted with the greatest precautions, and on the hard- ened ashes and lava being' removed four corpses appeared. They are now at the museum, andno more striking sight is it possible to behold. They arenot statues, but human bodies moulded by Vesuvius, and preserved from decay by that envelope of lava which reproduces the clothes, the flesh, nay almost even the appearance of life. The bones protrude here and there where the molten liquid did not completely cover the limbs. Nowhere does anything like this exist, The Egyptian mummies are naked, black, hideous. They appear to have nothing in common with humanity { they are dressed out by the Egyptian undertaker for t!.eir eternal repose--the exhumed Pompeians are human beings in the act ofdying. One of the bodies is that of a woman, near whem were found 91 silver coins, two silver vases, some keys and a few jewels. She was fly- ing, carrying her most valuable commodities with her, when'she fell in th clittle narrow street. She may beseen lying onher left side. Her head-dress, the tissue of her clothes, and two silver rings on her finger, can be easily detected. One of her hands is broken, and the cellular structure of the bones exposed to view ; the left arm is raised, and writhing, the delicate hand conclusively shut, the nails appear to have entered the flesh. The whole body appears swollen and contracted ; the legs alone--the rounded and delicate outline of which has not suffered -- are stretched out. . Youcan feel that she struggled long in fearful pain. Her attitude is that of agony not death. Behind her a woman anda young' girl had fallen. The former the mother pos- sibly, was of humble extraction, to judge from the size of her ears. On her finger ig a single iron ring. Her left leg, raised and bent, denotes that she also struggled and suffered. Near her reclines the young girl --almost a child. The tissue of her. dress is seen with wondrous distinctness--the sleeves coming down to the wrist, and the embroidery of her shoes. She had, through fear probably, lifted her dress over her head, She fell with her face to the ground. One of her hands is half open, as though she had used it to keep her veil over her face. The bones of her fingers protrude through the lava. She appears to have died easily. 'The fourth body is that of aman--a Co- lossus--he is stretched on his back, as though he mean to meett his fate bravely ; his arms and legs show no sign of struggling; his clothes are very distinctly marked; the dals, the soles studded with thick nails; on one finger an jron ring; afew teeth are broken ; his eyes and hair are oblitera ted, but his thick moustache is clearly apparent, and it is impossible not to be struck 'with the martial and resolute appearance of his features. After the women convulsively clinging to life, we see here the man calmly meeting his fate in -the midst of the great convulsion. sie Nething yet discovered at Pompeii offers us anything to be compared with this pal- pitating drama. It is violent death with its extreme tortures, its convulsions and agon- ies, brough' clearly before: us, and, as it were, taken in the act, after the lapse of eight: en centuries. hid _ Seath of Henry Eccles, Esq. (From the Leader,) In the prime of life, one of the ablest members of the Upper Canada bar has been called to account. Henry Eccles was born at Bath, England, in 1817. His father, Capt. Hugh Kccles, of the 61st, was long a resident of Canada, living first at Niagara and then at. Toronto ; he died only a few years ago. He came to Canada soon after the Peninsular war, in which he lost an arm, having sold out his commission. While his father was living at Niagara, Henry stud- ied law in the office of Mr, James Boulton, He never attended any public school, but was educated entirely by his father, who was a gold medalist of Trinity College, Dub- lin. He was called to the bar in BHaster term, 1842 ; was elected a bencher of the law society, in 1853, and appointed Queen's counsel in 1856, He soon attained a leading position at the bar ; and for a long time hé had been en- gaged, as counsel, in nearly every case of im- portance, whether civil or criminal. He ap- peared to great advantage before a jury. Tall, well-proportioned, and erect, his per- sonal appearence was imposing. With a musical and well-managed voice, every word he uttered derived additional force from the delivery; the true test of eloquence, He had a wonderful faculty of making a point clear to the comprehension of an average jury; andthe simplicity of his style was one of the great sources of his Success. In this respect, his addresses to juries were models which young members of the f TO- fession would do well to copy. He eat confused either himself or the jury, as some gentlemen of the long robe are apt to do Under his manipulation, the » f cated case became clear and easy of com- prehension. It is doubtful] whether, in pro: ducing an impression upon a jury, he had any equal in Canada. He wag also famons as aspeciel pleader, and not Jess 80 for his power of extorting truth from a Witness whether in chief or CTOss-examination, ; ost compli- Ace His astute appreciation of evidence, enabled him to seize upon the strong as wel] as the weak points, and make the most of both He had been in partnership with My, Carrol in this city, since 1854, igiage He married Jane, fourth daughter of Francis Lelievre, A..C.'G. Canada, by whom he had only one child, Francis H nineteen years of age. "eh, now braceee [trowsers] close fitting ; laced san-